Conclusions of Chapter 1 of the Common Program

Chapter one is a mix of articles. Articles 8, 9 and 10 are more or less introductions, and these are discussed in detail in other chapters.
Article 1 Democratic dictatorship
Mao Zedong states that the transition to socialism will be a long process and the small bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie are a part of ‘the people’. But this definition of the 'people’ is changing fast. Within two and half years after the establishment of the new government the national bourgeoisie is no longer part of this definition. In here lies the base for the worsening of the relationship between the CCP and the minzhu dangpai. It makes the realization of the Common Program even more difficult.
Article 2 Unity
The pledge to unite all of China under communist rule has been achieved to a large extent. Mongolia's independence is an established fact and the conquest of Taiwan has become impossible, partly due to the Korean War and the US military backup of Taiwan. Both Tibet and Xinjiang are not easily 'pacified', revolts occur frequently.
Horowitz (2015) remarks "Compared to their Tibetan counterparts, Uighur émigré leaders lack the political cohesion of Tibetan émigrés; are less able to command a following among their ethnic kin in China; and have been less successful in raising awareness and sympathy for their cause internationally."
Horowitz Shale, Yu Peng (2015). Holding China’s West: Explaining CCP Strategies of Rule in Tibet and Xinjiang. No Page

Article 3 New Democracy
The new regime arrested energetically to the destruction of feudal and imperial remnants. In other articles this destruction is described in detail
Article 4 Election
Elections for the National People's Congress are regularly postponed and finally hold in September 1954. On local and national level the candidates are pre-selected.
Article 5 Liberties
All organizations which are not under control of the CCP are dismantled or put under supervision of the party. It is for the first time in Chinese history Buddhists, Daoists, Protestants or Muslims are been united in a China-wide organizations. The firm grip the CCP gets over the 5 religions causes great difficulties within the religious communities. Some of them want to hold on to the situation pre 1949 and others want to cooperate with the new regime.
In 1949 in Beijing there are more than 60 churches and organizations with a religious background. In 1959 all organizations with a foreign background have disappeared and only 4 ‘official’ churches remain. In Shanghai the situation is even more severe. In 1949 there are 2000 churches in 1959 only 15 remain.
Leung Philip Yuen-Sang (1999). Conversion, commitment and culture: Christian experience in china, 1949-1999. Page 4
"The communist takeover in 1949, however, started a new era of cultural homogenization. The government denounced Confucianism and banned religious activities. Local cultural forms (music, opera, handicraft products, etc.) were turned into means to promote the universal messages of communism (Chen 1989). Any sign of behavior deviating from centrally defined economic and cultural policies was not tolerated"
Eng Irene and Lin Yi-Min (2002). Religious Festivities, Communal Rivalry, and Restructuring of Authority Relations in Rural Chaozhou, Southeast China. Page 1268

The sects are seen as counterrevolutionary organizations and are much more persecuted than the adherents of religion. "However, although the campaign broke the back of the sects organizationally, it by no means eliminated their influence, and they showed remarkable capacity during the 1950s and early 1960s to revive sporadically."
Smith Steve (2008). Fear and Rumour in the People's Republic of China in the 1950s. Page 279
One can state that instead of the ‘traditional’ religions, the cult of Mao Zedong is founded. This starts already in the 1920s, when the CCP becomes a highly disciplined and thoroughly hierarchical organization. "As a consequence, the general line issued by the Party Central became sacrosanct: to oppose it was no longer simply an expression of dissent––it amounted to heresy. …The anthem ‘The East is Red,’ whose lyrics were set to a folk song around the time of Mao’s ascension to chairmanship of the party in 1945, … Mao is hailed as a “great saviour” (..) and “pathfinder” (…) who loves the people; the sun, which would become one of the most frequently used tropes for Mao, is present as a symbol for both the man and the party."
Klein T. (2014) Political Religion in Twentieth-Century China and Its Global Dimension. Pages 62-63. The first 2 couplets are: The east is red, the sun is rising. From China, appears Mao Zedong. He strives for the people's happiness, Hurrah, he is the people's great saviour!
Chairman Mao loves the people, He is our guide to building a new China Hurrah, lead us forward!
See also Article 42
Buddhism, Taoism and Islam have to get rid of their feudal characteristics, Protestantism and Roman Catholicism should disrupt their overseas connections and purge imperialist influences. All churches have to purge reactionary leaders and to support the new government. "In general, however, the united front policy in the 1950s stressed the desirability of materialists (weiwu lunzhe) and idealists (weixin lunzhe) working together to build socialist China, rather than the incompatibility of religion and socialism.21"
Chen Jinlong cited in Smith S.A (2015). Pages 80-81

The Hukou system limits the mobility of almost everyone in the rural areas and also the urban dwellers are limited in their migration possibilities.
Article 6 Women
The new law improves the position of the women, the amount of female students increases gradually.
See Harriet Evans (1998). The language of liberation: gender and jiefang in early Chinese communist party discourse. Intersections: Gender, History and Culture in the Asian Context.
The total amount of female college students in China 1947-1954
Source: Research Institute of All China Women's Federation. 1991. Statistics on Chinese Women 1949- 1989. Page 168
*10 thousand
"In 1952, fewer than 600,000 women were employed at state-owned enterprises (SOE), while over 40% of those who were registered and willing to work could not find jobs."
Sun (2011). Reading History in Visual Rhetoric. Page 130
The existing social order must not be disturbed too much because this will interfere with the development of the economy. The CCP considers the military, economic and political reforms more important than the emancipation of women. The law is never intended to free the woman as an individual person. The CCP sees women as a unified mass with a single set of interests based on gender. The same applies for a man. The liberation of the women is a common goal under the leadership of the CCP. Kang (2017) concludes "The CCP’s early commitment to enlightening the Chinese peasants through anti-superstition and women’s liberation was now sidelined by its revolutionary mission to lead a class war under Mao."
Kang Xiaofei (2017). Women’s Liberation and Anti-Superstition in Wartime Communist Propaganda, 1943-1950. Page 95
The party defines the rules because they are the vanguard and the voice of the people. The instrument for the liberation of women is the ACFDW, this organization acts in the interest of the women.
""Women-work" historically included mobilizing women to accomplish tasks for the CCP revolution and addressing issues concerning women's interests, welfare, and equal rights. Both components were seen as complementary to each other and crucial for engaging women in a political process for women's liberation. Women-work, however, was subordinate to the Party's "central work"-never becoming a Party priority. The tension between women work and the Party's central work has been a constant reality for communist women in charge of women-work,..." Wang Zheng (2005). "State Feminism"? Gender and Socialist State Formation in Maoist China. Feminist Studies, 31,3. Page 521. Guo (2017) observes that the United Front work after 1949 becomes less important "Despite the high political status given to them within the (ACFDW), doubts and fears soon arose among those bourgeois women activists hailing from the KMT-controlled areas:...complained about the dominant CCP women leaders who demanded that she (Li Wenyi) take on a heavy workload, but who eventually took the credit for her work....And as the CCP further launched a series of campaigns and movements in the 1950s, during which surveillance reports, denunciation letters and the so-called “heart-to-heart” talks (jiaoxin 交心) became the main channel of communication between (ACFDW) members and the Party, the space for Chinese women activists’ spontaneous and independent political activism was, instead of reopened, finally closed. " Guo Vivienne Xiangwei (2017). Leaning to the Left: The Post-War Political Reorganisation of Chinese Women Activists within the CCP United Front Framework (1945-1949).Page 54
"It was very rare for even the highest ranking ACWF leaders to criticize the link between women and the home. So entwined were women and the family that in addition to protecting the interests of women, the ACWF was charged with the protection of children’s welfare.46"
Johns Jamie (2010). “What Do Women Live For?”: Women of China and the All-China Women’s Federation. Page 18

The ACFDW achieves some minor issues, including paid maternity leave, and active and passive voting rights for women. The slow economic development throughout the 50’s weakens the position of women.
Article 7 Counter-revolutionaries
From 1950 till the end of 1952 about 2.5 million people are arrested and one third of them are executed. The influence of the campaign is gigantic "... for each individual brought in for questioning, there were probably several times more (family, friends, and associates) who felt that they had reason to worry. Such numbers are hard to quantify, but the total of those who were either imprisoned, subjected to state pressure, intimidated, or reasonably concerned about their status must have been many times more than the 800,000-2,000,000 executed during the course of the campaign."
Strauss Julia C.(2002). Page 89
The campaign is conducted in full public on purpose, in order to involve as many people as possible and to warn against counterrevolutionary activities by fear and terror.
See (2007) Reactions to Suppression of Counterrevolution in Tianjin (1951),Contemporary Chinese Thought,38,3. Pages 25-53
During the campaign cadres were sent to factories to supervise, to make propaganda and to guide internal accusation meetings. After the campaign ended in 1953 those internal security organizations remained and became compulsory in all work units.
Article 11 Independance and peace
In 1949 Mao Zedong decides to join the SU camp and accepts the guiding role of the SU in the anti-imperialistic struggle. In this struggle there is made a division between East Europe, under the guide of the SU and Asia under the guidance of the People's Republic of China. Both countries try to strengthen their influence in India.
The Geneva conference is the first international podium of the People's Republic of China. It is an opportunity to break through China's isolation. Contacts are made with France and the United Kingdom. The Geneva conference on Korea is a failure, the conference on Indochina is more or less a success in the eyes of the Chinese leaders. Laos and Cambodia stay neutral, no intervention from the US in Indochina and a growing prestige as protagonist of the Afro-Asian opposition against imperialism.

Horowitz Shale, Yu Peng (2015).Holding China’s West: Explaining CCP Strategies of Rule in Tibet and Xinjiang. No Page Back
Leung Philip Yuen-Sang (1999). Conversion, commitment and culture: Christian experience in china, 1949-1999. Page 4 Back
Eng Irene and Lin Yi-Min (2002). Religious Festivities, Communal Rivalry, and Restructuring of Authority Relations in Rural Chaozhou, Southeast China. Page 1268 Back
Smith Steve (2008). Fear and Rumour in the People's Republic of China in the 1950s. Page 279 Back
Klein T. (2014) Political Religion in Twentieth-Century China and Its Global Dimension. Pages 62-63. The first 2 couplets are: The east is red, the sun is rising. From China, appears Mao Zedong. He strives for the people's happiness, Hurrah, he is the people's great saviour!
Chairman Mao loves the people, He is our guide to building a new China Hurrah, lead us forward! Back
Chen Jinlong cited in Smith S.A (2015). Pages 80-81 Back
See Harriet Evans,The language of liberation: gender and jiefang in early Chinese communist party discourse. Back
Sun (2011). Reading History in Visual Rhetoric. Page 130 Back
Kang Xiaofei (2017). Women’s Liberation and Anti-Superstition in Wartime Communist Propaganda, 1943-1950. Page 95 Back
""Women-work" historically included mobilizing women to accomplish tasks for the CCP revolution and addressing issues concerning women's interests, welfare, and equal rights. Both components were seen as complementary to each other and crucial for engaging women in a political process for women's liberation. Women-work, however, was subordinate to the Party's "central work"-never becoming a Party priority. The tension between women work and the Party's central work has been a constant reality for communist women in charge of women-work,..." Wang Zheng (2005). "State Feminism"? Gender and Socialist State Formation in Maoist China. Feminist Studies, 31,3. Page 521. Guo (2017) observes that the United Front work after 1949 becomes less important "Despite the high political status given to them within the (ACFDW), doubts and fears soon arose among those bourgeois women activists hailing from the KMT-controlled areas:...complained about the dominant CCP women leaders who demanded that she (Li Wenyi) take on a heavy workload, but who eventually took the credit for her work....And as the CCP further launched a series of campaigns and movements in the 1950s, during which surveillance reports, denunciation letters and the so-called “heart-to-heart” talks (jiaoxin 交心) became the main channel of communication between (ACFDW) members and the Party, the space for Chinese women activists’ spontaneous and independent political activism was, instead of reopened, finally closed. " Guo Vivienne Xiangwei (2017). Leaning to the Left: The Post-War Political Reorganisation of Chinese Women Activists within the CCP United Front Framework (1945-1949).Page 54 Back
Johns Jamie (2010). “What Do Women Live For?”: Women of China and the All-China Women’s Federation. Page 18 Back
Strauss Julia C.(2002). Page 89 Back
See (2007) Reactions to Suppression of Counterrevolution in Tianjin (1951). Pages 25-53 Back