Article 42 of the Common Program

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The CCP, in its attempts to realize a socialist revolution, focuses on the rural peasants. Its emphasis lies more on a national revolution and less on a social. The CCP served as a channel for expressing peasant discontent, yet it manipulated social dissatisfaction for its own gain. The nature of the revolution wasn't solely social or national; both elements were pivotal. Every national concern was inherently tied to an underlying social issue. Peasants had harboured discontent long before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, but it was nationalism that spurred them to overthrow the existing societal order. In the discussion of this article 42, the emphasis is on 'love of the fatherland' or in other words, nationalism. 'Love of labor' will be deliberated in Article 32 , 'love of science' Article 43 and 'care of public property' will be discussed in Article 28 .
Descriptions of the campaigns, which are important to realize a feeling of nationalism are highlighted. These are the land reform campaign, the Resist America-Aid Korea Campaign, the unification of China, and the mobilization for national reconstruction. This article starts with the portrayal of the parades.

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On May 1 and October 1 big parades are held on Tiananmen Square in Beijing to celebrate Labor day and National Day. The parades are orchestrated events. They have multiple purposes: Celebrating the new era of socialism and denouncing the old order. A demonstration of the power of the PLA and the achievements of the People's Republic of China. Legitimation of the authority of the CCP. Emphasizing the role of Mao Zedong and display of solidarity with the international socialist camp.

The promotion of the Mao cult has a twofold purpose, one is to undermine the Soviets’ influence by replacing Marxist-Leninism with Mao’s ideology and to create an image of the revolutionary leader to rally support from the peasantry who for the most part do not understand the depth of Marxist-Leninism due to the low level of literacy. There is the necessity to replace Marxism with a domestic ideology and to create a hero or an idol and introduce a cult to mobilize the party members.

(Below the captions of the photos are the slogans and themes of the national days of 1949-1954.) Concerning political engagement, aside from classroom lectures on current events and politics, the Party strongly advocated for a range of extracurricular activities. These activities primarily involved: delving into the histories of political figures such as Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Zedong through mediums like poems, songs, novels, stories, and films; excursions to public sites like museums, historical landmarks, exhibitions, and galleries showcasing the contented lives of children in the Soviet Union and China; discussions revolving around movies to grasp the significance of the Chinese Revolution and the contented life in "New China"; and fostering an awareness of labor and respect for workers and farmers. These extracurricular political endeavors were typically led by members of the Young Pioneers. Moreover, elementary schools also participated in various national campaigns aimed at encouraging children to contribute to the nation, such as the One Bowl of Rice Campaign and the Winter Garment Campaign, which urged donations of rice or winter clothing to aid victims of natural disasters and war in 1950.

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The CCP sets itself the goal to introduce a proper patriotism and therefore bans all foreign influences because they are seen as a way to infiltrate and to exploit the Chinese people. In particular, the Roman Catholic church is considered a threat. See article 5. On the contrary, socialist internationalism is viewed as a component of a novel set of values. Within the framework of the "lean to one side" policy, embracing Soviet culture was intertwined with one's political allegiance and was either rewarded or punished accordingly in political terms. During the peak of the Sino-Soviet alliance, individuals were categorized as either "Russophiles" or "anti-Soviet, anti-socialist, anti-revolutionary rightists." Whether someone expressed affection for the Soviet Union and backed Sino-Soviet friendship served as a criterion for assessing their internationalist spirit, loyalty to New China, and support for socialism. Conversely, expressions of "admiration for the U.S., apprehension towards the U.S., and amicability with the U.S." were strongly condemned and marginalized. This Sino-Soviet friendship is by no means intended to build personal relationships (All forms of personal communication between Chinese and Soviet citizens have to be officially sanctioned and subject to surveillance), it has the meaning of a strategic relationship at the state level. See also article 45 The dissolution of Boy Scouts organizations is also a method to ban foreign influence. On October 13, 1949, the Children’s Corps of China is founded. "They organized children to visit factories, meet revolutionary veterans/heroes during wartime as well as labor models, scientists and writers, pay their respects to sacrificed soldiers and console their families, participate in marching exercises, go on picnics, play military games, hold oral story competitions and poetry recitation competitions, set up interest groups, little libraries and weather stations and create "red scarf" chorus clubs."

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Part 3 describes the quest of the elite for a new interpretation of the role and position of China. Cohen (1991) states "The new definition of being Chinese is firmly rooted in nationalism, in a conception of China as a nation-state with interests that must be protected and advanced in competition with other nation-states. Modern Chinese nationalism is hardly an ultimately cosmic orientation, as was the traditional sense of Chinese national identity, for its emergence and growth was prompted by the conviction that China was weak and, indeed, in many ways inferior to other nation-states."
The binding factors became anti-imperialism and anti-foreign movements. Unlike Japan, which has embraced the past and its traditions, China has the past and most of its traditions shaken off as being feudal and therefore totally unacceptable. The CCP fits into this tradition and their leaders look for a successful example, which in their eyes, is the SU. The CCP never blindly followed the SU example. From the start, the new regime tries to establish its own identity. Various approaches were employed. Primarily, there existed a notable continuity in utilizing artistic symbols and techniques dating back to the Yan’an era. During this period, left-wing activists extensively drew upon rural traditions from Shaanxi to craft a propaganda strategy. The inception and guidance for this, naturally, originated from Mao. On the other hand the use of traditional symbols is common. Popular symbols of longevity (pines and cypresses) and joy and prosperity (red lanterns and chrysanthemums) are often displayed in parades and illustrations. In urban areas, three fundamental methods of (re)construction were utilized: 1) Manipulation of naming and renaming, encompassing districts, streets, squares, parks, and buildings. 2) Installation of statues portraying Chairman Mao and revolutionary martyrs, either in front of existing colonial structures or in lieu of old statues representing Manchukuo or the GMD. 3) Construction of new buildings embodying socialist realism, contributing to the overall urban landscape in a manner that emphasized supplementation rather than demolition, actively fostering collective forgetting of the past.
The CCP presents itself as the sole guard of the sovereignty and independence of China. The GMD is depicted as corrupt and incapable of defending the country against the negative influences of foreign powers. 1949 is characterized as the beginning of a ‘new” China of a ‘new’ society. “A special vocabulary grew out of this distinction: under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the labouring masses “stood up” (fanshen 翻身), “took control” (dangjia zuozhu 当家作主), and, as a consequence, became “the masters of the country” (guojia zhurenweng 国家主人翁).”
The Chinese state underwent a fundamental transformation, not only in its role and position but also in its objective of nurturing a 'new socialist' individual devoted to supporting the regime. This new individual is expected to (1) follow, obey, support, and serve the CPC and its socialist causes; (2) enhance their ideological understanding through the study of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong's works; (3) adopt a proletarian stance by consistently opposing exploiters like landlords, bourgeoisie, and imperialists; (4) integrate production/study and labor; and (5) exemplify communist moral values such as selflessness and collectivism. During this period, citizenship education exclusively centered on the national level, focusing on the CPC's perspectives on the state, political ideology, socialism, and communism. Simultaneously, it excluded and even dismantled traditional Chinese culture and individual rights and interests perceived as capitalist.

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Two campaigns are particularly important to create a feeling of nationalism: The land reform campaign (see article 27) can be considered as a unifying movement, support for Land Reform is designated as a ‘patriotic activity’. The second movement is the Resist America-Aid Korea Campaign (see article 54) In both campaigns millions of Chinese are involved. During the land reform campaign in eliminating undesirable classes (anyone who opposed Land Reform was labelled an ‘agent of American imperialism’) and the distribution of land. During the Resist America-Aid Korea Campaign many people are participating in the war and in producing weapons, clothing, and donating money. February 1951, the regime called for the dissemination of support for the Korean War in every village, institutions, schools, factories, shops, and even every street and residential area of all ethnic groups in the country. This appeal was echoed in the advocacy for Patriotic Compacts. These agreements were intended to merge political endeavors with the familial objectives of households. Encouragement was extended to every family to endorse these patriotic agreements and to adhere to the outlined activities. For instance, the Communist Party Committee in Shenyang released a range of agreements addressing the fulfillment of monthly production targets, provision of military aid, support for soldiers and their families, delivery of crops and tax obligations, as well as the objectives of political initiatives.
Through anti-US propaganda, the CCP aimed to achieve significant social control by fostering anti-US sentiment, manipulating emotions, and stifling dissenting voices. The CCP employed tactics such as appropriating war memories and orchestrating public expressions of war-related suffering and atrocities committed by Japan and the United States. These strategies allowed the CCP to legitimize the promotion of hatred against the United States and label dissenting voices as aligning with China's adversaries, the United States and the GMD. Consequently, the CCP gained rhetorical leverage to marginalize any public discussions opposing CCP policies. Almost immediately, after Chinese troops entered North Korea, the Chinese People’s Committee for Safeguarding the World Peace and Opposing American Invasion was established. The committee started the Campaign to Resist America and Aid Korea. The movement aimed at political, social, and economic mobilization, educating and enlightening the public to perceive a “correct” view of the US and international affairs through propaganda. It intended to draw out voluntary public participation in the movement.

While patriotic compacts emerged as a prevalent means of social mobilization in Manchuria, signing them often amounted to a mere formality. In numerous factories, the patriotic compact transitioned into a tool for disciplining the workforce, rather than serving as a mechanism to bolster the war effort. At this moment this political mobilization is an efficient method for the CCP to solve problems caused by their limited economic capacity and their limited social control.
On July 24, 1951, Zhou Enlai remarks "...that the laboring masses in China are full of determination to fight and drive off American troops out of Korea and liberate Taiwan island." but he also added "Among the right-wing elements is a group of people, who in their time were closely tied to the Jiang Jieshi regime and with the Americans. Some of these people who carried out subversive work have been discovered. For each discovery we provided the democratic parties and groups with irrefutable evidence and they were unable to object to our repression of these elements. Others of whose subversive activities we still have no evidence have been isolated." The defense of the homeland is the key theme of the campaign at the advent of China's involvement in the war, less important is the ‘brotherly’ help to Korea (see article 54)
The portrayal of the US as the natural extension of Japanese aggression stemmed from Japan's role as an imperialist force ingrained in the memories of Chinese survivors of the Anti-Japanese War. For many Chinese citizens with limited knowledge about the United States, this approach blurred the distinction between the new adversary, America, and the familiar aggressor, Japan. Consequently, the United States assumed the position once held by Japan as China's primary imperialist foe. These campaigns collectively contributed to shaping a growing sense of citizenship within the People's Republic of China.
Besides these 2 campaigns, two others are equally important: the unification of China with Mongolia (not realized) (see article 2 ), with Tibet (realized in 1950) (see article 2), with Taiwan (not realized) (see article 2) and with Hong Kong and Macao (later realized) (see article 55) The second one is the mass mobilization for national reconstruction. (see article 26)
Much attention is paid to propaganda in popular media, such as post cards, movies, posters, etcetera. (see article 45). The intended message is that the 'new' China embodies strength, righteousness, and socialism, while the USA is depicted as weak, corrupt, and capitalist. Students are inundated with patriotic activities in schools and summer camps, leading to conflicts with their parents over their newfound inclination to serve the state. These conflicts are publicly documented in the pages of CCP youth publications. This propaganda has also made an impact in the US, prompting calls for Chinese students to return to their homeland to bolster the new China.

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Chapter 5 of Common Program

• Road to Common Program
• Common Program
• Bibliography
• Documents
• Contact