Article 50 of the Common Program
Text
Article 50 of the Common Program
All nationalities within the boundaries of the People's Republic of China are equal. They shall establish unity and mutual aid among themselves, and shall oppose imperialism and their own public enemies, so that the People's Republic of China will become a big fraternal and co-operative family composed of all its nationalities.
Greater Nationalism and chauvinism shall be opposed. Acts involving discrimination, oppression and splitting of the unity of the various nationalities shall be prohibited.

Statement concerning nationalities


Sixth National Congress 1928
Sixth National Congress 1928
The Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in July 1928 Moscow
adopted the following Ten-Point Programme: … (3) unify China and recognize the right of the nationalities to self-determination;

Second all-soviet congress 1934
Second all-soviet congress 1934
Report of the central executive committee and the people's committee of the Chinese Soviet republic to the second all-soviet congress 25 January 1934
The Soviet Government firmly opposes imperialist and Kuomintang warlords7 rule and plunder perpetrated upon the minority nationalities. Article 14 of the Constitution proclaimed by the First National Soviet Congress in November 1931 says; "The Chinese Soviet political power recognises the autonomous right of minority nationalities within the boundaries of China right up to the time they secede from China and establish their own independent and free nations. All Mongolians, Huis, Tibetans, Miaos, Lis and Koreans residing within the boundaries of China will decide in accordance with the wishes of each nationality whether to participate in the Chinese Soviet Union or cecede from it.

Selected works Mao Zedong volume 4

The present situation 1934
The present situation 1934
The present situation and development of Soviet Movement January 23, 1934
The free union of nationalities will replace national oppression, an event that is possible only under the Soviets. To achieve complete emancipation the minority nationality shall, on its part, assist the Soviet-revolution in securing a victory on a national scale.

Selected works Mao Zedong volume 6

Declaration of the soviet central government 1935
Declaration of the soviet central government 1935
Declaration of the soviet central government to the Inner Mongolian people 20 December 1935
(2) We feel that the people of Inner Mongolia have the right to solve all their internal problems, and no one has the authority to interfere by force in their living, habits, religion, ethics, and all other rights. Meanwhile, the nation of Inner Mongolia may organize according to its own desire. It may, according to the principle of self-determination, organize its own life and form its own government. It has the right to form alliances with other nations. It also has the right to establish its separate entity. In sum, the nation is supreme, and all nations are equal.
(3) All the Chinese, Moslem, and Manchurian nationals in Inner Mongolia must, according to the principle of national equality, develop democracy, so that all such minorities will receive the same treatment as the Inner Mongolians, and they must have the freedoms of language, religion, and residence.

Collected works of Mao Zedong Volume 5 .

Resolution on current political situation 1935
Resolution on current political situation 1935
Resolution on current political situation and party tasks Passed by the Chinese Communist Party Central Politburo 25 December 1935
To implement the policies successfully, to fight Japanese imperialism promptly, and to safeguard the leadership power of the national united front, the party and the soviet have a policy which has always been consistent but which requires a greater effort to make it more adapted to the needs of the national united front. It is to expand the Resist-Japan Red Army, to expand the resist-Japan guerrilla, to expand the territory of the Soviet People's Republic serving as the resist-Japan base, ... to propose to the minorities the formation of an alliance for common struggle, and to implement a flexible foreign policy.

Collected works of Mao Zedong Volume 5 .

Declaration of the Soviet central government
to the Moslem people 1936
Declaration of the Soviet central government
to the Moslem people 1936
Declaration of the Soviet central government to the Moslem people 25 May 1936 [Extract]
As the eastward march of the Vanguard Army against Japan is blocked by traitor Chiang Kai-shek, … Therefore, the westward march of the resist-Japan People's Red Army is not only a necessary step in the practical preparation against Japan, but also an excellent opportunity for the independence and liberation of the Mongolians, Moslems, and other small and weak minorities, especially the Moslems. Therefore, we solemnly declare to the Moslem people:
1. According to the principle of national self-determination, we advocate that the affairs of the Moslems must be completely handled by the Moslems themselves, that, in all Moslem areas, the Moslems must establish their independent and autonomous political power and handle all the political, economic, religious, custom, ethical, educational, and other matters, and that, in all areas where the Moslems constitute a minority, under the principle of national equality, the Moslems, with the district, township, and village as the units, must manage their own affairs and establish their own government.
2. According to the principle of the freedom of religion, we will protect Mohammedanism and the Ahongs and guarantee the absolute freedom of belief of the Moslems.
3. Armament is an indispensable condition of an independent and autonomous nation. We wish to rally all armed strengths of the Moslems and to help and develop them.
5. Protect the Moslem language; develop the culture and education of the Moslems; start Moslem newspapers; raise the Moslem political and cultural levels.

Collected works of Mao Zedong Volume 5

For the mobilization of All the nation’s forces 1937
For the mobilization of All the nation’s forces 1937
For the mobilization of All the nation’s forces for victory In the war of resistance August 25, 1937
Mobilize the Mongolian, the Hui and all other minority nationalities, in accordance with the principle of national self-determination and autonomy, in the common fight against Japan.

Selected works Mao Zedong volume 2

On the new stage 1938
On the new stage 1938
On the new stage 14 October 1938 The new stage of development in the national war against Japan and the Anti-Japanese National United Front—a report made at the sixth enlarged plenum of the Sixth CCP Central Committee held from 12-14 October 1938.
Our Anti-Japanese National United Front is not only of the various parties and factions and classes of the country, but also of all the nationalities in the nation. Focusing on the enemy's evil schemes which have already been set in motion to split our minority nationalities within the country, and which they will intensify, the thirteenth task is to unite all nationalities as one to confront the enemy together. For this purpose, it is necessary to give attention to the following points: First, the Meng, Hui, Tsang, Miao, Yao, I, and Fan minorities must be allowed to have equal rights with the Han people. Under the principle of common struggle against Japan, they have the right to control their own affairs, and, at the same time, unite with the Han people to establish a unified country. Second, in areas where minority nationalities and the Han people are intermingled, the local government should organize a committee composed of local minority nationals to form a part of the provincial or county government. It will administer affairs concerning them, adjust relationships among the various nationalities, and there should be a seat in the provincial or county government committees. Third, respect the culture, religion, and customs of the minority nationalities. Not only should they not be forced to learn Chinese and speak it, but they should be helped to develop the culture education of using their own spoken and written language. Fourth, correct the big Han chauvinism that still exists, and promote equal treatment of minority nationalities by the Han people so as to bring relationships closer together.

Collected works of Mao Zedong Volume 6
Current problems of tactics 1940
Current problems of tactics 1940
Current problems of tactics in The anti-Japanese united front March 11,1940
carry out the Principle of Nationalism by firmly resisting Japanese imperialism and striving for complete national liberation and the equality of all the nationalities within China;

Selected works of Mao Zedong Volume 2

On Coalition Government 1945
On Coalition Government 1945
On Coalition Government in April 1945. The Problem of the Minority Nationalities
In 1924 Dr. Sun Yat-sen wrote in the Manifesto of the First National Congress of the Kuomintang that “the Kuomintang’s Principle of Nationalism has a twofold meaning, first, the liberation of the Chinese nation, and second, the equality of all the nationalities in China” and that “the Kuomintang solemnly declares that it recognizes the right to self-determination of all the nationalities in China and that a free and united republic of China (a free union of all the nationalities) will be established when the anti-imperialist and anti-warlord revolution is victorious”.
The Communist Party of China is in full agreement with Dr. Sun’s policy on nationalities as stated here. Communists must actively help the people of all the minority nationalities to fight for it, and help them, including all their leaders who have ties with the masses, to fight for their political, economic and cultural emancipation and development and to establish their own armies which will safeguard the people’s interests. Their spoken and written languages, their manners and customs and their religious beliefs must be respected. The attitude which the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region and the Liberated Areas in northern China have for years adopted towards the Mongolian and Hui nationalities is correct, and the work they have done has been fruitful.

Selected works of Mao Zedong Volume 3

Don’t hit out in all directions 1950
Don’t hit out in all directions 1950
Don’t hit out in all directions June 1950
It is of vital importance to unite with the minority nationalities. There are about thirty million of them in the whole country. Social reforms in their areas are a matter of great importance and must be handled cautiously. On no account must we be impetuous, for impatience will lead to trouble. No reform is to be instituted unless the conditions are ripe. Neither should any major reform be introduced where only one of the conditions is ripe while the others are not.
Of course, this is not to say that no reform at all is to be carried out. As stipulated by the Common Programme, customs and folk-ways in the minority nationality areas may be reformed. But the minority nationalities themselves should do the reforming. Without popular support, without the people’s armed forces and without the minority nationalities’ own cadres, no reform of a mass character should be attempted. We must help them train their own cadres and we must unite with the masses of the minority nationalities.

Selected works of Mao Zedong Volume 5

Main points of the resolution 1951
Main points of the resolution 1951
Main points of the resolution Adopted at the enlarged meeting of The political bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China February 18 1951
4. Work conscientiously among the minority nationalities, the two central tasks being to push for regional autonomy and to train cadres from these nationalities.

Selected works of Mao Zedong Volume 6
Article 50 is a further elaboration of Article 2 of the Common Program, which states “…to liberate all the territory of China, and to achieve the unification of China.” and of article 9, which points out “ All nationalities in the People's Republic of China shall have equal rights and duties.”
In Mao’s eyes, although the civilization of the Han nationality most defined the civilization of the Chinese nation, all of China’s nationalities were united as collective victims of imperialism and equal in their striving to shake off foreign oppression. They were united as revolutionary classes of the Chinese peoples (Mao, [1939] Schram Stuart (2005) Mao’s Road to Power: Revolutionary Writings, 1912–1949. Vol. 7, New Democracy, 1939–1941. Armonk, NY. Pages 280-281
Article 50, 51, 52, and 53 of the Common Program defines this policy.
“…the CCP employed a pluralist concept of the Chinese peoples: the majority nationality consisted of the Han Chinese—itself a twentieth-century construction—and all other peoples were “minority nationalities” ...Mao’s conception of the new democratic revolution served to enfold minority nationalities within the revolutionary people of China. Mao defined national as meaning anti-imperial, and democratic as both anti-feudal and “in the interests of the broad masses of the people”
Howland Douglas (2011). The Dialectics of Chauvinism: Minority Nationalities and Territorial Sovereignty in Mao Zedong’s New Democracy. Modern China 37,2. Page 177
The economic development of the minority regions will be described in the various articles of Chapter 4 of the Common Program.
In order to realize the objectives of the Common Program, the CCP has several instruments. " First, it recruits ethnic cadres to serve in the central government. They serve as role models for those in the hometown, who will believe that their ethnic membership will not hinder their political participation. Protective policy that guarantees both privileges and honored government positions for people from minority ethnic groups shows that membership of such a group can be a plus."
Shih Chih-Yu (2002). Negotiating Ethnicity in China: Citizenship as a Response to the State. Routledge. Page 9. Yang (2009) remarks: "In the native chieftain system, native chieftains enjoyed much autonomy, since the central state rarely intervened in internal affairs. Moreover, the power and authority of some local chieftains in Yunnan had lasted at least until the early period of P. R. China. In the early 1950s, many native chieftains were incorporated into local Communist governments. Without the corporation of the local elites, the CCP would have faced much more trouble in frontier areas." Yang Bin (2009). Central State, Local Governments, Ethnic Groups and the Minzu Identification in Yunnan (1950s–1980s) Modern Asian Studies 43, 3. Page 773. The number of minority ethnic cadres increases: 1949 10,000 1954 140,00049 "For example, the IMAR, the first autonomous area in China, takes the lead of ethnic minorities works. Yunnan Province had only 7400 minority ethnic cadres in 1952 Minority cadres in Yunnan accounted for 8.9 percent of all cadres in 1952." Xia Chunli (2008). Autonomous legislatures under China’s regional ethnic autonomy: law, reality and potential. Pages 158-159
A second method is to grant the establisment of autonomous districts and regions. (see Article 51 ) The third instrument is the use of the media, to promote the "Han" way of living in other words to bring "civilization" to the minorities. At the other hand the media are used to uphold the culture of the ethnic groups (Article 53 )
Starting in July and August 1950, the CCP organizes four groups of representatives to visit minority areas in the border regions throughout the country: southwest, northwest, northeast, and Mongolia. These representatives offer food and money, provide medicine and necessities, and propagandize the Party’s nationalities policies. On July 2, 1950, a goodwill mission traveled to Yunnan under the direction of ethnologist
Xia Kangnong.
Xia Kangnong (1903-1970) Studied in France

"The final mechanism is through social policies, especially those that focus on population and economics. The state reaches out to ethnic people in granting privileges such as,... sponsoring ethnic schools, and giving exemptions to investment restriction or tax schedules. ...On the economic side, enterprises are encouraged to explore business opportunities or exploit natural resources such as forests, mines, and water in autonomous...regions"
Shih Chih-Yu (2002). Negotiating Ethnicity in China: Citizenship as a Response to the State. Routledge. Pages 10-11. See also Netting Nancy S. (1997). The deer turned her head: Ethnic options for the Hainan Li. Critical Asian Studies, 29. “After 1949 the People's Republic of China articulated a minority policy with two potentially incompatible goals: cultural pluralism and economic development. On the one hand, the PRC was to be a multinational state, respecting and preserving languages, religions, and other minority traditions. At the same time, minority living standards were to-be raised to the level of the Han through educational expansion, economic growth, and preferential appointments.20 Cultural pluralism was a twentieth century ideal, but economic development was essentially a modern form of the earlier civilizing project.” Page 6
Many members of the Chinese bureaucracy had the strong opinion that “ … China needed to be a single racial state totally identified with the Han people.63 Similar attitudes continued to prevail after 1949. Mao and Zhou Enlai could not intervene in every incident. After the decision had been made to take over Tibet, Mao’s efforts, however well meaning, often foundered amidst the racist bias of the Chinese bureaucracy.”
Feigon Lee (2011).Mao and Tibet. In Lynch Catherine, Marks Robert B., & Pickowicz Paul G. (Eds) Radicalism, revolution, and reform in modern China : essays in honor of Maurice Meisner Lexington Books. Page 93

Elections....

December 24, 1952 Zhou Enlai announces that according to article 12, 13, 14 of the Common Program, elections will be held for the People’s Congresses. He declares “…during the early period after the establishment of the government—considering that the people's liberation war had not been concluded, that basic political and social reforms had not been carried out on a national scale, and that the economy still required a period of rehabilitation-- conditions were not favorable for instituting at once the people's congress system.... This transitional period is now over, and our country is entering upon a new period of large-scale planned economic construction. In order to meet the tasks of this new period, it is necessary to convene the All China People’s Congress and local people's congresses…”
Document: 24-12-1952 Zhou Enlai "Report to the 43rd Meeting of the Standing Committee of the CPPCC (extracts)"

2 months later the election law is promulgated. The elections shall be carried out at the county, provincial and national levels. Article 24 of this election law states: “In allocating the number of seats for the 150 delegates to be elected to the ACPC by minority nationalities throughout the country, the CPG shall make provisions with due regard to the population of each minority group, its distribution and other such factors.
Document: 11-02-1953 “Election Law of the Chinese People's Republic for the All-China People's Congress and Local People's Congresses at All Levels.
To meet this promise, the government has to identify the minorities and has to know how many minority groups there are in China. In April 1953 the government issues a directive "..to convene in 1953 the various grades of xiang, xian, and provincial (or municipal) people's congresses elected through universal suffrage, and then to convene, on this basis, the NPC. In order to ensure that all citizens of China who reach the age of 18 shall take part in the election according to law, it is necessary to make a good job of registration of the electors, while the registration of electors will have to be based on registration of the population. Therefore, simultaneously with the election work a national census and registration of population should be carried out in order to facilitate the election work and to furnish accurate figures of population for the economic and cultural construction of the State."
Document: 06-04-1953 Directive on election law and census

Identification....

In theory all people living on Chinese soil are member of the Chinese people (renmin), it does not matter which ethnicity one belongs but rather to what class. As seen in Article 1 those who belong to the right class, belong to the nation, the people, all others not. “In other words, class was actually made the most powerful unifying force that was supposed to help overcome China’s ethnic (and regional) diversity.”
Baranovitch Nimrod (2010). Others No More: The Changing Representation of Non-Han Peoples in Chinese History Textbooks, 1951–2003. The Journal of Asian Studies, 69. Page 110

In anticipation of the 1954 elections for the NPC, an identification proces is started in 1953. In the new election law of 1953 each minority group is granted at least one representative seat in the NPC.
The identification of minorities is based on the theory of Stalin. In his work “Marxism and the National Question” (1913) he concludes: “A nation is a historically constituted, stable community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture.”
Document: May 1913 Stalin "Marxism and the National Question”
Besides these 4 criteria the CCP also paid attention to the historical names and origins of the “minzu”. Xia (2008) concludes “However, none of the above elements in the Ethnic Identification would be decisive. The combination of those elements and the comprehensive considerations of the relevant information would be indispensable. The criteria were skilfully used so that almost all demands would be met: that is the positive aspect. On the other hand, the indeterminate use of the criteria has the result of relying on subjective judgment and artificial intervention. The consideration of ethnic willingness and the opinions from the classes increased this subjective implementation of the Ethnic Identification. It is said that Ethnic Identification was a successful combination of objective criteria, the willingness of the relevant ethnic groups and the opinions of the higher minority strata.102”
Xia (2008). Autonomous legislatures. Pages 58-59 Gladney notices:"In both the Soviet and Chinese discourses, all of these criteria together were needed to constitute a nationality. That the Han did not meet many of these criteria, most clearly the criteria of language, was intentionally overlooked by the Investigations." Gladney, Dru (2004). “Dialogic Identities” in Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities, and other Subaltern Subjects. Chicago. Page 118
Mullaney (2010) describes the difference between the SU and the PRC method of identification. “Unlike the Soviet census upon which the inaugural PRC registration campaign was loosely based, one which presented respondents with a predetermined set of nationality categories from which to choose, the Chinese census of 1953-54 posed the question of minzu as an unbounded, fill-in-the-blank query wherein a registrant dictated his or her minzu name to the census taker, who then transcribed it into Chinese characters... The underlying principle of this policy was a commitment to self-categorization: a political ideal that granted citizens the unfettered right to select their own minzu designations. More specifically, it specified that any individual over the age of eighteen would be free to select his or her own minzu status, which would then be officially recognized by the state.74 Whatever people called themselves, so too would the government.”
Mullaney Thomas (2010). Coming to Terms with the Nation Ethnic Classification in Modern China. UCpress Page 32 "After debating which questions should be posed to their nearly six hundred million respondents, officials ultimately decided upon only five. The first four of these involved the most basic of demographic information, including name, age, gender, and relationship to the head of one's household. The selection of a fifth question was a more complicated issue, however. Certain dimensions of identity, such as occupation, literacy, and place of work were considered but dismissed, deemed impertinent to the forthcoming NPC. Interestingly, one of the possibilities that was ultimately excluded was that of economic class, an axis of identity that seemingly would have been preserved, given the party's revolutionary ethos and the land reform process. Instead of class, occupation, literacy, or place of work, authorities ultimately settled upon a question that no modern Chinese census had ever posed before: that of nationality or minzu.9" Mullaney Page 20
This way of categorizing resulted in over 400 minorities who had applied for minority status. In practice this would result in an overrepresentation of minorities in the People’s Congress. More than half of these applications came from the Yunnan province. According to the census outcomes, roughly one-third of the province (32.6 percent) self-identified as non-Han.
“In Yunnan, for example, 14 groups appeared in the registers with populations in excess of 100,000 people: the Bai, Benren, Dai, Hani, Hui, Jingpo, Kawa, Lahu, Lisu, Miao, Naxi, Pula, Yi and Zhuang…. 13 medium-sized groups with populations of between 10,000 and 100,000: the Achang, Azhe, Bulang, Huayao, Kucong, Muji, Nu, Tu, Xiangtang, Xie, Xifan, Yao and Zang…. Beyond these 27 groups, however, the ethnographic picture started to get very hazy. 38 registrants appeared in the census with populations of between 100 and 000 people, and another 92 with populations of less than 100.” Mullaney Thomas(2010). Seeing for the state: the role of social scientists in China's ethnic classification project, Asian Ethnicity, 11,3, Pages 328-329
Ma (2007) calculates that at least 190 delegates from Yunnan alone shall come to the NPC and nationwide at least 400. This meant a disproportionate representation of the minorities in a NPC with only twelve hundred seats.
...nationalities hailing from just Yunnan would have accounted for over one-sixth of the entire parliament-a staggering number when one considers that they constituted less than 1 percent of the population of the country.90 In addition to these mandated seats, as we saw, the 1953 Law made additional provisions based on proportionality, designed to insure that larger minorities would receive a level of representation reflective oftheir size. If we make a conservative estimate regarding the number of additional minority representatives, hypothesizing somewhere between fifty and one hundred supplemental delegates countrywide, we are left with a National People's Congress in which 40 percent of the legislative body would hail from a non-Han minority nationality-an overwhelmingly large percentage when we consider that the combined population of these minority nationalities constituted only 6 percent of the total population of China circa 1953.91" Ma Rong (2007). A new perspective in guiding ethnic Relations in the 21st century: ‘depoliticization’ of ethnicity in China. Discussion Paper 21. China Policy Institute. Page 38. Wang (2015) "It has been pointed out that 178 minority representatives, from thirty different minority groups, attended the First National People’s Congress in September 1954. The representation ratio reached 14.52 percent" Wang Linzhu (2015). The Identification of Minorities in China. Page 6

Ethnic Investigation Teams....

In the middle of April 1954 the Ethnic Identification teams are formed to solve this problem “Hundreds of ethnologists, linguists, historians, sociologists, and archaeologists were divided into teams to investigate the claims of self-reported groups. It has been suggested that a group of Soviet linguists were also involved in the process. 20”
Wang Linzhu (2015). The Identification of Minorities in China. Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal. 16, 2. Page 6 See also Heberer Thomas (1989). China and its national minorities Autonomy or assimilation? New York. Page 31-35 shows the problems of classification

They have less than 6 months to investigate because the National People’s Congress shall convene in September 1954. Eventually only 19 of these claims in Yunnan are recognized by the government.
According to this new demographic model, then, Yunnan Province was home to only 19 minzu: the Achang, Bulang, Dai, Hani, Hui, Jingpo, Kawa (later renamed Wa), Lahu, Lisu, Miao, Minjia (later renamed Bai), Menggu, Naxi, Nu, Xifan (later renamed Pumi), Yao, Yi, Zang and Zhuang. Mullaney (2010). Seeing for the state. Asian Ethnicity. Page 340
“In practice, large groups, geographically or numerically, were very likely to be approved as minorities, whilst small numbered groups might often be ruled out or incorporated into other minorities.32 The selective application of a set of standards left enough space for the communists to control the identification process for political and/or economic considerations."
Wang (2015). The Identification Page 8
In 1954 the Ethnic Identification teams have characterised 38 minority groups.
Eleven of these groups, the Mongol, Hui, Tibetan, Uyghur, Miao, Yao, Yi, Korean, Manchu, Li, and Gaoshan (in Taiwan), were the so-called “generally accepted minorities” and thus had no need to be assessed in the Ethnic Identification Project. Wang (2015) Page 9
The national census of 1953 reveals the number of minorities in China. There are 34 million people classified as minority, this is about 6% of the total population. See Table.

Three regions with a majority of nationalities are easily identified; Tibet, Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang. Other minority ethnic groups are scattered in the northeastern, northwestern and southwestern parts. 62 percent of China’s territory is populated by non-Han-Chinese people. The Han majority occupies mainly plains, arable land, towns and cities, while some four fifths of the country’s minorities take refuge in the more mountainous (and less suitable for agriculture) land including 90% of the country's border regions.
A combination of political, strategic, and pragmatic concerns are the main reasons in the early recognition of these minorities groups. July 21, 1950 Deng Xiaoping states: "The southwestern boundary line is several thousand kilometres long, extending from Tibet to Yunnan and Guangxi, along which the overwhelming majority of inhabitants are minority nationalities. So, if the issue of minority nationalities is not handled well, the matter of national defence cannot be handled well. Therefore, in view of the importance of the southwest to national defence alone, we should give high priority to our work among the minority nationalities."
Document: 21-07-1950 Deng Xiaoping "The question of minority nationalities in the southwest" These are areas of strategic and military importance, such as the frontiers of Korea, Mongolia, the Soviet Union, India, Laos and Vietnam — all boundaries over which China has had diplomatic and/or military skirmishes
Ethnic policy focuses mainly on commitment of the minorities in building a new China. "….despite much evidence suggesting that at least during the 1950s, the Communist regime wholeheartedly adopted the notion of China as a multi-ethnic state, ..., high school history textbooks during that period and the rest of the Maoist era were still extremely Han-centric and treated non-Han peoples as non-Chinese others."
Baranovitch (2010). Others No More. Page 87

Remarks....

The identification results show some remarkable outcomes. The Chinese Muslims who are termed Hui are united by religion, they are divided by race and culture.
"Unlike many of the other minority nationalities of China, however, the Hui are distinguished negatively: apart from lacking their own language, they generally do not have the peculiar dress, literature, music, or the other cultural inventories by which more ‘colorful’ minorities are portrayed. Gladney (2004) “Dialogic Identities” Page 152. See also Lindbeck John M. H.(1950) . Communism, Islam and Nationalism in China. The Review of Politics, 12, 4. Pages 473-488 and also article 53)."
In the case of the Manchus hardly any Manchus still speak Manchu. Yet both groups are qualified as a minority group. "By far the largest group who could be, but is not in fact, considered a ‘nationality’ is the Hakkas. These are a south Chinese people who, although culturally, linguistically and socially quite distinct in the late imperial period of Chinese history, nevertheless played a significant role in twentieth-century Chinese nationalism especially in the early period."
Mackerras Colin (2003). China's Ethnic Minorities and Globalisation. Routledge. Pages 2-3
Quite the opposite occurred in Guangxi were millions of Guangxi residents were to be convinced that they were members of the larger minority the government designated “Zhuang. ” Most of the Guangxi population were claiming instead to be Han.
See Palmer Kaup Katherine (2000). Creating the Zhuang: Ethnic Politics in China. Boulder, CO. Palmer remarks "The situation in the northwest differed radically from that in the southwest in at least five politically significant aspects". Pages 55-56
"...the Uyghurs, Kazaks and Hui (Dungan) all have kin relations with Central Asian states, in particular the former two. Mongolia is a kin state for the Mongols, as are both North and South Koreas for the Koreans. Minorities that are located in the Southwestern border areas – such as the Miao, Yao, Hani, and Dai – all have external kin in mainland Southeast Asia. Finally, the Tibetans have extensive relations with groups in Bhutan, Nepal, and India."
Han Enze & Mylonas Harris (2011). Nation-building policies in communist China, 1949-1965 ISA Annual Convention. Page 12 The different ethnic groups have had different relations with these two competing forces. Especially during the CCP’s forced Long March, it is alleged that the CCP managed to build alliances with many minority groups along the way. However, some ethnic groups were considered as particularly anti-CCP, such as the Tibetans, Yi, and Hui. Perhaps these past relations explain the variation in state policies. Page 13
To get identified as a minority group has some advantages. First of all extra subsidies or aids, second some kind of autonomy. “It is not strange that some people who were originally Han Chinese tried to convert and re-registered themselves as belonging to minority ethnic groups so as to enjoy the preferential treatments in education, employment, etc."
Xia (2008). Autonomous legislatures. Page 60. Xia remarks "In China’s case, the Ethnic Identification was also an interactive bargaining process in which the Central Government, local governments, the scholars as well as the minority ethnic people themselves participated. Minority ethnic groups actually played a relatively weaker role. Page 62
All Chinese citizens are to be registered by ‘nationality status’ in household registration and personal identification. See Article 5.

Han Chauvinism....

On March 16, 1953 Mao Zedong addresses the problem of Han Chauvinism: “In some places the relations between nationalities are far from normal. For Communists this is an intolerable situation. We must go to the root and criticize the Han chauvinist ideas which exist to a serious degree among many Party members and cadres… Delegations led by comrades who are familiar with our nationality policy and full of sympathy for our minority nationality compatriots still suffering from discrimination should be sent to visit the areas where there are minority nationalities, make a serious effort at investigation and study and help Party and government organizations in the localities discover and solve problems. The visits should not be those of "looking at flowers on horseback". He concludes “Moreover, the newspapers should publish more articles based on specific facts to criticize Han chauvinism openly and educate the Party members and the people.”
Document: 16-03-1953 Mao Zedong "Criticize Han Chauvinism"
He is not the first CCP leader who warns against Han Chauvinism. On July 21, 1950 Deng Xiaoping points out: “With our past work plus our current work we are quite capable of solving the several-thousand-year-old problem of estrangement from the minority nationalities and uniting all our nationalities. … So long as we truly act in accordance with the Common Programme and so long as we sincerely assist the minority nationalities in political, economic and cultural fields, we can solve the problem satisfactorily. If we throw off Han chauvinism, the minority nationalities will forsake their narrow nationalism in return. We should not ask the minority nationalities to abolish their nationalism before we honestly abolish Han chauvinism. Once these two isms are abolished, unity will result.”
Document: 21-07-1950 Deng Xiaoping "The question of minority nationalities in the southwest"
In August 1952
Wang Zhen
Wang Zhen (1908-1993) head of the military government in Xinjiang (1950-1952)
the party secretary of Xinjiang is accused of Han Chauvinism when he introduces radical redistribution of pastoral areas: "Not giving consideration to the current stage of political, economic, and cultural development of the various nationalities, but blindly adopting the experiences of Han agricultural and even military areas; not paying attention to the finer aspects of history, culture, and traditions of the various nationalities, but focusing instead on their back-wardness; emphasizing in an inappropriate way their opposition to narrow nationalism among local non-Han cadres and resolving problems in a rigid manner.5"
Wu Zhe (2015). Chauvinism and opposing local nationalism. The drift toward ethnic antagonism in Xinjiang society, 1952-1963. In Brown Jeremy & Johnson Matthew D. Maoism at the Grassroots: Everyday Life in China's Era of High Socialism Harvard University Press. Page 308
His successor Wang Enmao emphasizes the need to struggle against Han Chauvinism.
The fight against Han Chauvinism starts in 1926 at the first Hunan peasant representatives conference when the CCP accepted a resolution in which the CCP pledged to "liberate the Miao and Yao," declaring that "the Han nationality must not deliberately slander the Miao and Yao in insulting words."22
Bulag Uradyn E. (2012). Good Han, Bad Han: The moral parameters of ethnopolitics in China. In Gros Stéphane. Critical Han Studies. Univ of California Press. Page 99
Despite all good intentions the CCP cadres dealing with minority peoples still are guilty of Han Chauvinism.
Wang Feng
Wang Feng (1910-1998) is vice chairman of Nationalities Affairs Commission
, in accordance with Mao Zedong, states: "Speaking in nation-wide terms, 'Great-Hanism' is the principal current danger in the ethnic relationship. It is essential to suppress 'Great-Hanism' because this is the only way whereby narrow nationalisms among the minorities can be eradicated ... Certain of the Han Chinese cadres have even gone so far as to insist that the minority peoples speak Han-Chinese and wear Han Chinese clothes, and have wanted to substitute Han-Chinese songs and dances for the tribal songs and dances. This is extremely erroneous."
Wang Feng talking at 3rd NAC meeting june 1953. Cited in Wiens Herold J.(1954) China's March toward the Tropics: A Discussion of the Southward Penetration of China's Culture, Peoples, and Political Control in Relation to the Non-Han- Chinese Peoples of South China and in the Perspective of Historical and Cultural Geography. Shoe String Press, CT. Page 260


Literature Notes Documents...

1. In Mao’s eyes, although the civilization of the Han nationality most defined the civilization of the Chinese nation, all of China’s nationalities were united as collective victims of imperialism and equal in their striving to shake off foreign oppression. They were united as revolutionary classes of the Chinese peoples (Mao, [1939] Schram Stuart (2005) Mao’s Road to Power: Revolutionary Writings, 1912–1949. Vol. 7, New Democracy, 1939–1941. Armonk, NY. Pages 280-281. Back
2.Howland Douglas (2011). The Dialectics of Chauvinism: Minority Nationalities and Territorial Sovereignty in Mao Zedong’s New Democracy. Modern China 37,2. Page 177 Back
3.Shih Chih-Yu (2002). Negotiating Ethnicity in China: Citizenship as a Response to the State. Routledge. Page 9. Yang (2009) remarks: "In the native chieftain system, native chieftains enjoyed much autonomy, since the central state rarely intervened in internal affairs. Moreover, the power and authority of some local chieftains in Yunnan had lasted at least until the early period of P. R. China. In the early 1950s, many native chieftains were incorporated into local Communist governments. Without the corporation of the local elites, the CCP would have faced much more trouble in frontier areas." Yang Bin (2009). Central State, Local Governments, Ethnic Groups and the Minzu Identification in Yunnan (1950s–1980s) Modern Asian Studies 43, 3. Page 773. The number of minority ethnic cadres increases: 1949 10,000 1954 140,00049 "For example, the IMAR, the first autonomous area in China, takes the lead of ethnic minorities works. Yunnan Province had only 7400 minority ethnic cadres in 1952 Minority cadres in Yunnan accounted for 8.9 percent of all cadres in 1952." Xia Chunli (2008). Autonomous legislatures under China’s regional ethnic autonomy: law, reality and potential. Pages 158-159 Back
4.Shih (2002). Negotiating Ethnicity. Page 9. See also Netting Nancy S. (1997). The deer turned her head: Ethnic options for the Hainan Li. Critical Asian Studies, 29. “After 1949 the People's Republic of China articulated a minority policy with two potentially incompatible goals: cultural pluralism and economic development. On the one hand, the PRC was to be a multinational state, respecting and preserving languages, religions, and other minority traditions. At the same time, minority living standards were to-be raised to the level of the Han through educational expansion, economic growth, and preferential appointments.20 Cultural pluralism was a twentieth century ideal, but economic development was essentially a modern form of the earlier civilizing project.” Page 6 Back
5.Feigon Lee (2011).Mao and Tibet. In Lynch Catherine, Marks Robert B., & Pickowicz Paul G. (Eds) Radicalism, revolution, and reform in modern China : essays in honor of Maurice Meisner Lexington Books. Back
9. Baranovitch Nimrod (2010). Others No More: The Changing Representation of Non-Han Peoples in Chinese History Textbooks, 1951–2003. The Journal of Asian Studies, 69. Page 110 Back
10. May 1913 Stalin "Marxism and the National Question” https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1913/03.htm Back
11.Xia (2008). Autonomous legislatures. Pages 58-59. Gladney notices:"In both the Soviet and Chinese discourses, all of these criteria together were needed to constitute a nationality. That the Han did not meet many of these criteria, most clearly the criteria of language, was intentionally overlooked by the Investigations." Gladney, Dru (2004). “Dialogic Identities” in Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities, and other Subaltern Subjects. Chicago. Page 118 Back
12. Mullaney Thomas (2010). Coming to Terms with the Nation Ethnic Classification in Modern China. UCpress. Page 32 "After debating which questions should be posed to their nearly six hundred million respondents, officials ultimately decided upon only five. The first four of these involved the most basic of demographic information, including name, age, gender, and relationship to the head of one's household. The selection of a fifth question was a more complicated issue, however. Certain dimensions of identity, such as occupation, literacy, and place of work were considered but dismissed, deemed impertinent to the forthcoming NPC. Interestingly, one of the possibilities that was ultimately excluded was that of economic class, an axis of identity that seemingly would have been preserved, given the party's revolutionary ethos and the land reform process. Instead of class, occupation, literacy, or place of work, authorities ultimately settled upon a question that no modern Chinese census had ever posed before: that of nationality or minzu.9" Mullaney Page 20 Back
13.“In Yunnan, for example, 14 groups appeared in the registers with populations in excess of 100,000 people: the Bai, Benren, Dai, Hani, Hui, Jingpo, Kawa, Lahu, Lisu, Miao, Naxi, Pula, Yi and Zhuang…. 13 medium-sized groups with populations of between 10,000 and 100,000: the Achang, Azhe, Bulang, Huayao, Kucong, Muji, Nu, Tu, Xiangtang, Xie, Xifan, Yao and Zang…. Beyond these 27 groups, however, the ethnographic picture started to get very hazy. 38 registrants appeared in the census with populations of between 100 and 000 people, and another 92 with populations of less than 100.” Mullaney Thomas (2010). Seeing for the state: the role of social scientists in China's ethnic classification project, Asian Ethnicity, 11,3, Pages 328-329 Back
14."..nationalities hailing from just Yunnan would have accounted for over one-sixth of the entire parliament-a staggering number when one considers that they constituted less than 1 percent of the population of the country.90 In addition to these mandated seats, as we saw, the 1953 Law made additional provisions based on proportionality, designed to insure that larger minorities would receive a level of representation reflective oftheir size. If we make a conservative estimate regarding the number of additional minority representatives, hypothesizing somewhere between fifty and one hundred supplemental delegates countrywide, we are left with a National People's Congress in which 40 percent of the legislative body would hail from a non-Han minority nationality-an overwhelmingly large percentage when we consider that the combined population of these minority nationalities constituted only 6 percent of the total population of China circa 1953.91" Ma Rong (2007). A new perspective in guiding ethnic Relations in the 21st century: ‘depoliticization’ of ethnicity in China. Discussion Paper 21. China Policy Institute. Page 38. Wang (2015) "It has been pointed out that 178 minority representatives, from thirty different minority groups, attended the First National People’s Congress in September 1954. The representation ratio reached 14.52 percent" Wang Linzhu (2015). The Identification of Minorities in China. Page 6 Back
15.Wang (2015). The Identification. Page 6. See also Heberer Thomas (1989). China and its national minorities Autonomy or assimilation? New York. Page 31-35 shows the problems of classification Back
16.According to this new demographic model, then, Yunnan Province was home to only 19 minzu: the Achang, Bulang, Dai, Hani, Hui, Jingpo, Kawa (later renamed Wa), Lahu, Lisu, Miao, Minjia (later renamed Bai), Menggu, Naxi, Nu, Xifan (later renamed Pumi), Yao, Yi, Zang and Zhuang. Mullaney (2010). Seeing for the state. Asian Ethnicity. Page 340 Back
17.Wang (2015). The Identification Page 8 Back
18.Eleven of these groups, the Mongol, Hui, Tibetan, Uyghur, Miao, Yao, Yi, Korean, Manchu, Li, and Gaoshan (in Taiwan), were the so-called “generally accepted minorities” and thus had no need to be assessed in the Ethnic Identification Project. Wang (2015) Page 9 Back
21.Baranovitch (2010). Others No More. Page 87 Back
22."Unlike many of the other minority nationalities of China, however, the Hui are distinguished negatively: apart from lacking their own language, they generally do not have the peculiar dress, literature, music, or the other cultural inventories by which more ‘colorful’ minorities are portrayed. Gladney (2004) “Dialogic Identities” Page 152. See also Lindbeck John M. H.(1950) . Communism, Islam and Nationalism in China. The Review of Politics, 12, 4. Pages 473-488, and also article 53)." Back
23.Mackerras Colin (2003). China's Ethnic Minorities and Globalisation. Routledge. Pages 2-3 Back
24.See Palmer Kaup Katherine (2000). Creating the Zhuang: Ethnic Politics in China. Boulder, CO. Palmer remarks "The situation in the northwest differed radically from that in the southwest in at least five politically significant aspects". Pages 55-56 Back
25.Han Enze & Mylonas Harris (2011). Nation-building policies in communist China, 1949-1965 ISA Annual Convention. Page 12 The different ethnic groups have had different relations with these two competing forces. Especially during the CCP’s forced Long March, it is alleged that the CCP managed to build alliances with many minority groups along the way. However,some ethnic groups were considered as particularly anti-CCP, such as the Tibetans, Yi, and Hui. Perhaps these past relations explain the variation in state policies. Page 13 Back
26.Xia (2008). Autonomous legislatures. Page 60. Xia remarks "In China’s case, the Ethnic Identification was also an interactive bargaining process in which the Central Government, local governments, the scholars as well as the minority ethnic people themselves participated. Minority ethnic groups actually played a relatively weaker role. Page 62 Back
29.Wu Zhe (2015). Chauvinism and opposing local nationalism. The drift toward ethnic antagonism in Xinjiang society, 1952-1963. In Brown Jeremy & Johnson Matthew D. Maoism at the Grassroots: Everyday Life in China's Era of High Socialism Harvard University Press. Page 308 Back
30.Bulag Uradyn E. (2012). Good Han, Bad Han: The moral parameters of ethnopolitics in China. In Gros Stéphane. Critical Han Studies. Univ of California Press. Page 99 Back
31.Wang Feng talking at 3rd NAC meeting june 1953. Cited in Wiens Herold J.(1954) China's March toward the Tropics: A Discussion of the Southward Penetration of China's Culture, Peoples, and Political Control in Relation to the Non-Han- Chinese Peoples of South China and in the Perspective of Historical and Cultural Geography. Shoe String Press, CT. Page 260 Back
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