With the help of League of Nations (predecessor of the UN) health reformers, the GMD government started in the 1930’s to build a nationwide network of medical institutions in urban and rural areas. Cities have priority but the healthcare is unevenly distributed. Rogaski (2004) gives an example of the city of Tianjin " In certain areas, most residents drank tap water and had adequate nutrition. In other areas, people drank water out of stagnant ponds and faced starvation. In 1949, infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, neonatal tetanus, dysentery, and encephalitis were the most common causes of death in Tianjin, the result of poverty, poor nutrition, inadequate housing, contaminated water supply, and a dearth of obstetric services and infant care. Epidemics still loomed even after Liberation....Tianjin was a city with relatively abundant medical resources. The problem was their unequal distribution. To solve these all-too-familiar public health problems, a great deal of work would have to be done to raise basic standards of living and to build up a public health infrastructure; improvements that would require a tremendous investment of time, money, and personnel from the new government." As in other segments of society, the CCP has to rely on GMD staff "...the medical techno–scientific elite, which felt safe enough in the knowing that the Communists had no choice but to fully incorporate the pre-existing Nationalist apparatus of both applied and theoretical medicine, with the exception of a handful of ‘famous physicians who had had close relationships with the “imperialists”.10" In rural areas most Chinese medicine doctors are from despised landlord families, the only group that could afford to educate their sons. "The few patients who could pay felt vindicated in withholding money from this denigrated group, leading to even smaller revenue streams. 63 The doctors’ families could not help either, because they had lost any resources they previously possessed. Chinese doctors tried to survive by increasing prices above the government-mandated amount, appropriating drugs or campaign materials and selling them on the side, pilfering money from the communal campaign account, or running away to resume private practice. However, due to government pressure and simultaneous efforts to eliminate private practitioners, their participation was often mandatory. 64 " AnElissa (1980) remarks "While many Chinese economic and political decisions in the early 1950s emphasized industrial and urban development in an attempt to achieve Stalin's successes in rapid state-planned industrialization, Chinese national medical policies continued simultaneously to develop many of the organizational experiments started by Chinese medical reformers and administrators in the 1930s. As a consequence, Soviet impact on Chinese medical organization appears to have influenced only selected aspects of Chinese central and urban medical institutions: the development of specialized central research institutes under the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Chinese Academy of Medicine, the development of urban industrial workers' clinics and sanatoria, and the Communist Party's manoeuvres to gain political control over medical professionals by reorganizing their associations, journals, teaching curricula, research institutes and health institutions at all levels.57 "
The number of physicians at the time of the founding of the PRC fluctuates in the sources from 10000 to 41000.
Mao Zedong called at the 1st National health conference (August 7-18,1950) : “Our nation's health work teams are large. They have to concern themselves with over five hundred million people [including the] young, old and ill. This is a huge enterprise, and one that is extremely important. Thus our responsibility weighs heavily . . . At present, doctors of Western medicine are few, and [thus] the broad masses of the people, and in particular the peasants, rely on Chinese medicine to treat illness. Therefore, we must strive for the complete unification of Chinese medicine.” At the same conference
, Vice Minister of Health says "Among health workers, as among other workers, a widespread political study and ideological rectification should be carried out in order to correct the misunderstanding that medical and pharmaceutical personnel have little to do with politics. Revolutionary humanitarianism must be promoted (among them)’ Chinese medicine has to absorb scientific theory. Western medicine needed to learn from Chinese medicine, to better approach the masses. ‘the distance between Chinese and Western medicines would day by day grow smaller, and the differences between Chinese and Western medicines would day by day disappear’, until they ‘open-heartedly and inseparably unite’" After the conference, several measures are taken. For example, every Chinese doctor has to obtain a certificate from the Ministry of Health. The purpose of this measure is to gain control on private traditional medical care. In December 1951, the Ministry of Health started “school for further training of doctors”. The initial design of these schools, which are a bridge to the final unification of both (Western and Chinese) medical systems, was to improve the traditional treatments and skills of the Chinese doctors. In October 1952, an exam system is introduced, the examination is largely concerned with Western medicine. Most Chinese doctors fail the exam and are no longer allowed to practice medicine. Those who passed the exam were not allowed to work in Western hospitals. This resulted in an even bigger shortage of doctors and the unification completely failed. Taylor (2005) mentions the main reason "Prior to 1954, there were no directives issued from the Central Committee regarding the path of the development of Chinese medicine. Only the most general statements from Mao made it clear that Chinese medicine was to be maintained and fostered through the use of the slogan ‘unification of Chinese and Western medicines (... )’. Just how such a concept of ‘unification’ was to be carried out, never mind achieved, was the responsibility of the Ministry of Health. " A second reason for this failure is the composition of the Ministry of Health. The management of the ministry is for the most part in the hands of Western educated personnel. (
He Cheng (1901-1992) PLA. Vice Minister of Health (1949-1955)
, He Cheng,
Fu Lianzhang (1894-1968) Vice Minister of Health (1949-1955)
Su Jingguan (1906-1964) Vice Minister of Health (1949-1963)
, the 4 vice ministers are all Western educated and the minister
Cui Yitian Vice Minister of Health (1949-)
was not educated in medicine) They are urban and Western orientated and they only provide lip service to the CCP policy. Part of the scarce budget is spent on diseases, such as tumors and cancer, subjects that at that time in China are rather irrelevant, instead of researching diseases such as typhoid fever, cholera, malaria and smallpox. In October 1953 Mao Zedong states The most serious one is that [the Ministry] is short on politics, short on political work. There is too little Marxism-Leninism and socialism there. The Party must exercise overall leadership; On June 1954, the decision is made to establish a research institute for traditional Chinese medicine. Lu Zhijun (1911-1999), a western educated doctor but a promoter of TCM, becomes the director. The task of the institute is to systematically organize the Chinese medicine knowledge, to compile textbooks, and to educate teachers. On December 19, 1955, the institute is opened. TCM is essential to many minority groups. Often they have their own methods and systems for healing. Especially Mongols, Tibetans, Uygurs and Dai. The government tries to bring modern medical and health care, but these efforts are frequently frustrated due to local differences, language problems, and lack of sensitivity by Han medical personnel to the local practices. Acupuncture and Qigong
Li Dequan (1896-1972) Minister of Health (1949-1972) She became a CCP member in 1958
Qigong therapy is also a traditional medical practice. Previously, qigong had been used mainly in martial arts. It is the use of body, breath, and mind to cure illnesses. It is recognized by the Ministry of Health as a medical treatment, after the abandonment of so-called ‘feudal’, superstitious, or religious elements and the introduction of scientific methods. The work of
was invoked to provide a ‘modern’ and ‘scientific’ basis for qigong. "For example, the Ministry of Health (Zhongyang weishengbu) and the Chinese Academy of Sciences (Zhongguo kexueyuan) sponsored a 35-day Pavlovian theory study workshop (Ministry of Health, Pavlov Theory Study Association) in Beijing in fall 1953 for twenty-two professors, researchers, and doctors of physiology, psychology, and clinical medicine. It proclaimed Pavlovian theory to be a “great and materialist physiology and the only right theory leading the development of medical science in the New China” (Ministry of Health 1954)."
Ivan Pavlov (1849-1936) SU scientist contributed to many areas of physiology and neurological sciences
In March 1952, Zhou Enlai is named chairman of a new central epidemic prevention committee. China had only fifty-one thousand doctors in 1950. In most rural places, herbalists, midwives, and Chinese medicine practitioners are active. Their skills range from competence to quackery. Mao Zedong mentions an important obstacle for all health campaigns "Agricultural production is the predominant work in the countryside. In the countryside all other types of work revolve around agricultural production and serve its interests. All so-called work assignments and work methods that may hinder the peasants from carrying out production must be avoided...nor is it possible to interfere too much with the peasants. " Gross (2016) mentions one more obstacle "From whole provinces down to the individual villager, campaign work was determined not by what was most effective but rather by what was affordable." See for more posters
On February 23, 1952, the Renmin Ribao published for the first time about “the appalling crime of the American aggressors in Korea in using bacteriological warfare.” This accusation was the starting signal for a national campaign called 'The Patriotic Hygiene Campaign'. The campaign emphasizes that the health of the individual is just as important as the health of the state. The CCP states that both are inextricably linked, the health of the individual is inseparable from the health of the collective. The campaign has two major goals. The annihilations of the 5 pests: flies, mosquitoes, mice and rats, lice, and bedbugs. The other goal of the campaign "… women and others who labored inside the home were mobilized to clear, dredge, and sweep the city clean. In Tianjin, hundreds of thousands of housewives, joined by university and high school students, helped to clear miles of the city’s stagnant and odiferous drainage canals. 25 Residents supplied with picks, shovels, and shoulder-poles filled in more than seven hundred cesspools, one bucketful of soil at a time. Neighborhood cleanups removed tons of trash from domestic interiors and from public spaces: old derelict temples, opera halls ,and street corners." This campaign is an example of mass mobilization. Neighborhood committees organize meetings to convince housewives and retirees to take care of domestic hygiene. The purpose is to turn average citizens into an army of volunteer public health and sanitation workers. On the one hand, the participation level was not always high. Rogaski (2004) writes "During the 1952 mobilizations, there was considerable foot dragging and ignoring of the government’s objectives. For every jiji fenzi (activist from local society) who joined a neighborhood domestic hygiene inspection team, there were many more who failed to see any connection whatsoever between sweeping the floor and defending the nation against germs. 27 Apparently fear of biological weapons was not an entirely adequate motivation to compel the masses to become hygienically modern. " Smith (2006b) cites a report of a public security bureau in Hebei "As a general rule, before people start to seek holy medicine many rumours circulate, and female spirit mediums (…) and immortals-come-to-earth become active, enticing the minority of the masses who are sick to seek holy medicine. If a person whose illness is not serious fully recovers, then rumours run wild and the masses, seeing what has happened, start to believe. At this point the numbers seeking medicine rise sharply" Therefore, newspapers and radio broadcasts stopped giving only medical information but stressed germ warfare descriptions with reports about its victims. On the other hand, Yang (2004) notices "...false alarms and overreactions also increased, 34 indicating that fear, instead of indifference or neglect, was becoming a common reaction. Political propaganda shifted towards transforming popular fear into social reform and national mobilization." This campaign aims at 2 goals. The first is to get the whole nation involved in the disease prevention movement. The second goal is to accustom the people to accept massive political campaigns which influence their daily life. Lynteris (2013) characterizes "The Patriotic Hygiene Campaign, ...was a means of challenging the significance of medical expertise and promoting the model of ‘people’s war’, or mass mobilisation, as the correct way of constructing socialism in China. " Schistosomiasis health campaign
One of the most outstanding health campaigns is the schistosomiasis health campaign. The disease affected 10.6 million people, with another 100 million at risk in the southern part of China (mainly in areas along the Yangtze River and to the south of the river basin. These areas include 348 counties in 10 provinces, the Shanghai Municipality and Guangxi Region). Schistosomiasis threatens the productivity of farmland, labor, and capital (draft animals). In the 1950s, the endemic situation of schistosomiasis was extremely serious in various endemic areas of Jiangxi province. Average infection rate for inhabitants was above 10%.
The aim of the anti-malaria campaign in 1952 is to reduce the cases of malaria and the death rate. Several ministries join their efforts to make this campaign a success. In addition, organizations like the Red Cross, the ACFDW, and the ACFTU participate in this campaign. Besides these organizations, urban communities, work units, and rural villages are mobilized. "The campaign attempted to turn the masses from passive recipients of medicine and health care into active fighters against diseases and masters of their own health. This approach to combatting diseases was dubbed ‘the mass mobilization model’ in the study of malaria.19" The lack of medicines, health professionals, special in the countryside, makes a real breakthrough very difficult. The posters do not promote anti-malaria drugs, which are not available, but focusses on prevention. Lu (2014) remarks "... the campaign would only have disappointed its target population and decreased their enthusiasm for health work. It could even have undermined the credibility of the government itself." Traditional methods of moxibustion and burning mosquito repellent are promoted alongside with modern techniques of spraying insecticides. This mixed use of Western and Chinese medicine is endorsed by the government. In Yunnan, cinchona trees are cultivated to provide a reliable supply of quinine.
From 1950 onwards, an anti-drug campaign is held. On September 12, 1950, the directive states a strict prohibition of drug taking. Peng Zhen coordinates the campaign, many ministries (ministries of railroads, communications, interior, and public health) and organizations (postal service, customs, courts, and procuratorate) are involved. Trade unions, mass organizations, and the CCP hold large education forums and anti-drug gatherings. During these rallies, drug users are publicly shamed (and subject to detention for coercive rehabilitation) and drug traffickers are sentenced. Offenders, who turn themselves in, confess and show remorse, are treated leniently. Persistent offenders (e.g., drug kingpins and drug lords) are confronted with economic sanctions (fines, confiscating of property) or imprisonment or death penalty. These anti-drug campaign is mainly carried out in urban regions and are combined with the Sanfan (see
The new government starts almost immediately with health campaigns, giving information about the improvement of hygiene. The administration takes measures to limit the effects of natural disasters (floods and droughts resulting in famines) by an effective central administration, improved flood control, transport, food distribution, and health services. These actions cause a lower rate of death and mortality rates and growth of the population. (The birthrate is between 1949 and 1954 annually more than 37‰. In 1949 in Guangzhou the birthrate was 27 per thousand, at the end of 1954 it had risen to 44 per thousand population) Hershatter (2011) explains "Soon after Liberation, the Communist Party-state took up the effort to retrain oldstyle midwives and train new-style midwives.45 The main difference between the Nationalists and the Communist Party here was not ideological, but practical: the Communist Party had a far more extensive and effective rural presence, and the scope of its efforts to reform rural midwifery accordingly affected many more people.46"
Child mortality is partly caused by incapable midwives. "In the early 1950s, the new Communist regime in China endowed rural women who occasionally attended births with new techniques as well as political and social identities. The Party viewed these women as old-style practitioners whose childbirth techniques needed to be improved, as newly liberated women whose political consciousness needed to be raised, and as traditional women in an agricultural society whose habitual behaviours needed to be disciplined. Chinese medical classics portrayed these traditional rural midwives as ignorant, coarse, perverse and dangerous; "
Mao Zedong follows with his statement the SU, which favors an ‘anti-Malthusian’ viewpoint. A characteristic point of view is ‘strength lies in numbers’. The People’s Daily hails the 600 million mainlanders as the most precious of all categories of capital. A second reason for this pro-natalist opinion lies in the agriculture need for numerous children to uphold ancestor worship and to facilitate land cultivation. In contrast to the SU, a pro-natalist policy is not applied. There are no ‘Orders of the Glory of Motherhood’. However, there are likewise no institutions for birth control. The CCP had forbidden abortion between 1931-1948 despite liberal marriage laws experiments in this period. See
"In April 1950 rules for army and government personnel in the Beijing region made abortion contingent on medical indications, plus the written consent of husbands, superiors and doctors. …Moreover, all cadres in central government and Party organs had to obtain the personal endorsement of the Minister of Health himself." A third reason that can be mentioned is the fact that healthcare is "Dominated by Western-trained medical professionals inclined by tradition and training to be conservative on contraception, the ministry (of health) drew up regulations that imposed severe restrictions on access to contraception, abortion, and sterilization." In May 1952, the Ministry of Health issues a regulation which stipulates the conditions for abortion: In cases of severe illness or threat to the woman. In addition, no woman was eligible for sterilization unless she was thirty-five years old, had six or more children, and had one child aged 10 or above. The import of contraceptives is forbidden in January 1953. This policy causes major irritation among women. "...,women in the party’s senior ranks began to press for a change in policy, linking access to birth control to the larger movement for women’s liberation that was already under way." Their plea is heard by the (party) leaders (in particular Deng Xiaoping, Liu Shaoqi and
and in July 1954 the ban on contraceptives is lifted and the promotion of birth control starts. There were no provisions for male sterilization, the argument being men could not afford to be temporarily incapacitated from surgery, so therefore women must instead bear the physical burden of sterilization. However, it is not only this plea that makes this change possibly. The economic reality also plays an important role. "By 1953, it became clear to many Chinese leaders that the country’s large population was directly contributing to the ongoing food shortages. Although the government maintained that this was untrue, an editorial published in April in People’s Daily declared that the problem of food scarcity would continue due to the increasing demands of a growing population, bringing the issue to widespread public attention for the first time. In this context, Mao and other high-ranking party leaders began to acknowledge the need for birth control measures, though these discussions happened behind closed doors."" White (2018) notices "In practice, birth control remained extremely controversial, medical personnel remained generally hostile to disseminating information, cadres delayed giving the necessary approvals, and contraceptives were extremely scarce and of poor quality; abortion and sterilization remained the primary methods of birth control. In short, access for many people was more theoretical than real." Goldstein (1998) concludes: "...the Chinese state’s promotion of prenatal health care and new birthing methods could be seen as intruding into women’s social spaces, eroding their agency or autonomy, and redefining how their gender and physiology was conceived to make them more available to the state as both a reproductive and productive force…. these campaign contributed to saving millions of lives and in many ways opened new possibilities to the women involved with them. But at the same time these campaigns were a form of bio-power which integrated women and the birth process into a new ideological and political order of controlling and at times repressive state management " "...in 1949, the CCP set in place a series of programmes designed to cure an estimated 10 million people of venereal diseases (VD); and, in 1964, the acting director of the Research Institute of Dermatosis of the Chinese School of Medicine and Sciences announced to the world, on behalf of the communist government, that China had basically eliminated VD (Hershatter 1997: 348–9)."
Shao Lizi (1882-1967) Scholar and politician
In April 1917, Mao Zedong stated "Our nation is wanting in strength. The military spirit has not been encouraged; The physical condition of the population deteriorates daily. This is an extremely disturbing phenomenon." The function of sport has 3 political elements in the PRC.
1)sports serve construction, it is instrument in building a new society.
2)sports serve national defence.
3)Sports serve the people, to make sport and physical education available to the masses rather than only a privileged minority. Physical education became a mandatory part of the education system.
is established. It shall have equal status to that of others, such as the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Finance, He Long becomes the head. the ACSF acted as a ‘semi-state’ sports organisation, despite not being a formal government agency. Having seen the results of the Soviet Union at the Olympic Games
The Organisational Structure of the ACSF in 1952
Source: Shen L. (2019). Transformation of the state sports policy and system in China (1949–1989). Page 101
Source: Shen L. (2019). Transformation of the state sports policy and system in China (1949–1989). Page 101
proposes: "..that China should adopt the model of the Soviet Union to develop a sports policy and a centralised management system to meet the country’s political and diplomatic requirements. … The ACSF (All China Sport Federation) is only a semi-governmental organisation and it does not have the power to lead the development of sport and physical education in China. Rong argued that Chinese sport policy and practice should follow the model of the Soviet Union as it had been proved to be the most successful one in the world." See
Rong Gaotang (1912-2006) Vice President of the All-China Sports Federation
1) Begin the preparation of the structure of the new Ministry of Sport;
2) Begin to recruit professional full time athletes from the army and society;
3) Start to build an athletic stadium;
4) Begin to establish sports institutes;
5) Hold a National Games next year (1953). the start of broadcast calisthenics in late 1951. The gymnastics were broadcast by about 40 radio stations scattered across the different provinces. China sends a delegation to observe the 1st Asian Games from 4 to 11 March 1951. The First National Minority Nationalities Traditional Sports Games are held in Tianjin on November 8-12, 1953, with 13 nationalities and 395 athletes. Other mass tiyu activities are held "...particularly useful for rallying behind national and patriotic goals that would help consolidate the new regime’s power, and no truer was this than for the Resist America Aid Korea campaign that began following China’s entry into the Korean War in October 1950" The National Athletic team is established in 1953; the National Table Tennis, Swimming, Badminton teams in 1954; the National Gymnastics team in 1955. In his speech of June 30, 1953, for an audience of the Youth League, Mao Zedong explains: "Now we must ensure that everybody is in good health; we must ensure that workers, peasants, soldiers, students, and cadres are all in good health. Of course, being in good health doesn't necessarily mean that one will study well; studying [well] requires certain methods…. On the one hand there is study, on the other recreation, rest, and sleep; both aspects must be taken into full consideration. Young workers, young peasants, and young soldiers study as they work; for them, too, work and study [on the one hand] and recreation, rest, and sleep [on the other] must both be taken into full consideration. Both ends must be firmly grasped. Studying and work must be firmly grasped, but sleep, rest, and recreation must be firmly grasped also. In the past we only took hold of one end firmly, and we didn't take a firm hold on the other end, or else didn't take hold of it at all. Now we must develop some [programs for] recreation; there must be time and facilities [for recreation]. At this end too, we must take a firm hold. The Central Committee of the Party has already decided to reduce the number of meetings and the time [required] for study; you must supervise the implementation [of this decision]. If there are people who don't carry it out, [an explanation] should be demanded of them." Partly the reason for this is "Nevertheless, tiyu in this transitional period was far more complex than labels of “new” and “old” indicate because it was built on legacies of the past, plans for the future, modeled on the Soviet system, and was directed by Communist revolutionaries, a variety of experts from the earlier Republican period, and a handful of Soviet tiyu specialists. ...Tiyu workers, experts, professors, and athletes who remained on the mainland after 1949 also played vital roles in the development of “new” tiyu, including training the next generation of athletes and leaders. Some became or remained leaders in national tiyu organizations. In other words, so-called “new” tiyu in the early 1950s retained some of the characteristics of “old” tiyu." In the eyes of some Party leaders the "old" tiyu experts are seen as less trustworthy than fellow cadres and thus requiring supervision.
states "The American imperialists spread their sport not because they were concerned about the health of the Chinese people, but because sport was an ideal tool of cultural imperialism. The American imperialists emphasised to the Chinese people that American sports equipment is the best, their athletes are the fastest and their basketball team is the top one...in the world." Likewise sport is seen as a weapon against feudalist martial arts. It has to be of scientific character and oppose feudal and superstitious ideas. "A particular case was the Chinese martial arts of Wusu, which was seen as a tool of the counter-revolutionaries “who had set up anti-revolutionary organizations which threatened the stability of society, taught young people to be thieves and rapists and provided shelter for the people’s enemies” . Fan’s argument agrees unconditionally with the government’s official claim that these Wusu organizations in the countryside and cities should be banned, and that Wusu groups in schools, factories and government departments should be reorganized by the Youth League and local governments." The sport of bodybuilding had been banned because of its bourgeois vanity in 1953. "In contrast to mass sports, elite sports were not advocated in the"early years of the PRC because they were deemed to be serving only a few people and in particular the wealthy and the bourgeoisie. Some elite sports were modified to be more suited to mass sport development. A special kind of ‘sport’ is dancing. It was encouraged by various parties as a healthy recreational activity. However, from September 1954 onward, all dance and concert halls in Shanghai were closed, and had been changed and replaced with collective dance halls held by various units. This did not solve the problem of 'degeneration' of the youth. "...trade union organizations went to record stores to buy jazz records “brimming with toxins.” A Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions propaganda department investigation also revealed that some factory dance parties went as far as playing “yellow music” and turning the lights down low, which caused participants to “loose vigilance." In August 1950, a sports delegation leaves for Moscow, back in Beijing, they communicate their findings: "...the importance of everyone participating in exercise, as well as the necessity of having a large sports stadium with the capacity for 100,000 and an indoor sports arena with a capacity of 10,000.111 Such advice was taken seriously; a plan from the Beijing Municipal Education Bureau in mid-1952 proposed spending nearly 23 billion yuan to build or renovate sports stadiums, fields, and equipment for children and adults.112" On December 20, 1950, the first Soviet Union sport delegation visited the PRC. During their stay, the delegation visits 8 cities and 14 meetings are held with Chinese officials. The development of Chinese sports programs and sports exchanges in the first half of the 1950s sought to fulfill the goals of the Common Program, while also adopting Soviet-inspired sports programs in China. "PRC leaders wanted these state-sponsored sports programs to strengthen the masses of Chinese bodies and Chinese athletes for the purposes of national goals. However, they also envisioned Soviet-inspired sports programs as the correct path to becoming a socialist state, within the context of Soviet-led international socialism." Most elite athletes in the 1950s came from schools and universities, which were the first institutional settings for women's sports. "Prior to 1952, the PRC lacked any well-organised national team system or competition system. Except for the national basketball team, the PRC had no national teams prior to 1953. Most teams were simply temporary training classes, representing the PRC to compete in international competitions. After 1952, in support of the policy to ‘learn from Soviet Sports’ and ‘inviting Soviet professionals to China and sending Chinese to the Soviet Union’,39 not only were national teams 40 set up in China, but Soviet coaches and experts in elite sports were invited to introduce modern training methods, technology and their experience."
Feng Wenbin (1911-1997) President of the All-China Sports Federation
The Labour Defence System is largely confined to schools above middle school level and the upper school physical education program, it has always a military flavor. The National Defense Sports Society (NDSS) is established in 1952. The NDSS is a section of the "Sports Ministry". Its mission is to promote parachute jumping, shooting, camping, sailing, aero modeling, radio sports, motorcycling, aerodonetics, and other military sports in the city. A total of 163 sports grounds are built around the country to serve this goal. Parachute jump towers are given the highest priority. The improvement of the physical is not restricted to scholars and students in 1954 an instruction is issued ‘to Engage in Sports Activities during Breaks’ "Cadres in government departments at all levels were required to undertake physical exercise for ten minutes in the morning and afternoon during working days. In the same year, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions issued its ‘Instruction to Promote Sports in Industrial factories to improve workers health …"
She also remarks "All the doctors of whatever persuasion or nationality focused almost entirely on curative medicine, rather than preventive medicine. Preventive medicine brought in neither money, nor converts." Page 46
However, Rogaski (2004) remarks ". In preparation for making the hospitals part of the state-owned public health network, the CCP sent cadres to take inventories of all the equipment and staff of each hospital. The Communists then secretly cultivated informants within the hospitals to collect information on any anti-CCP comments or appearance of any qin Mei (close with America) attitudes among hospital staff. 15 Communists were particularly suspicious of the political sentiments of Chinese physicians who had worked with foreigners." Rogaski (2004). Page 292
"The term “science” was used in opposition to feudalism and superstition, which is very different from the definition in Western contexts. In addition, various attempts were made to avoid the abstraction “westernization of Chinese medicine” and guarantee that the transformation was under a framework of “science” but not “Western.”" Liu (2019). Page 14
She also mentions "The most blatant manipulation of labor and money was reserved for the prevention campaign. For snail elimination teams, in addition to withholding labor or calling people back after only a couple of days’ work, cadres often selected people with half labor power, such as the elderly; teenagers with a poor work record; and landlords, intellectuals, and others deemed bad or from reactionary political categories... " Page 85
See document 02-05-1953 Resolution of the Presidium of the USSR Council of Ministers about Letters to the Ambassador of the USSR in the PRC, V.V. Kuznetsov and to the Charge d’Affaires for the USSR in the DPRK, S.P. Suzdalev
Yang (2004) writes "In designing the process, women were specially targeted because they had more free time and could play an active role in informal community activities. In the Northeast, the anti germ-warfare movement initially organized women into special quarantine groups, which later expanded to include the elderly and children. 55 In a summary of its prevention work the municipal government of Shengyang, credited its success to women activists in various residential districts who organized into an "important force in the anti-epidemic work." 56 The party's newspaper lost no time to publicize stories of women 'health stars.'" Yang (2004). Page 174
Fan (2008) claims"More importantly, it was obvious that Mao, the Communist Party, and the central government had little interest in schistosomiasis prevention programs. Without their support, local governments could do very little. Although the disease was recognized as one of the most serious in eastern China in 1951 (Li 1958; Section of Health 1951), it was not listed as one of the “serious diseases harmful to people” in the government’s first five-year plan in 1953. The leaders of the central government did not appreciate the gravity of the disease, and Mao and the Ministry of Health never treated it as a national public health issue." Fan (2008). Page 178
24-02-1950 GAC directive concerning the strict prohibition of opium and other narcotics.
16-09-1949 Mao Zedong "Bankruptcy of the idealist conception of history"
30-06-1953 Mao Zedong Speech on the Youth League
21-02-1954 Zhou Enlai Building physical fitness for the motherland
April 1912 Mao Zedong "A study on physical education"
03-04-1953 Instruction on Leadership Work of Health Departments of Military Commissions
October 1953 Mao Zedong Criticism of the Ministry of Public Health
27-12 1954 Liu Shaoqi "Encourage birth control"
15-03-1951 Provisional regulations governing the management of hospitals and clinics.
11-04-1951 - 23-04-1951 Ministry of Health convened a national professional conference on epidemic prevention, and formulated a prevention and control plan for 19 infectious diseases such as plague, cholera, and smallpox
18-02-1952 Nie Rongzhen reports to Zhou and Mao on biological warfare
08-03-1952 Zhou makes a statement protesting the US use of bacteriological weapons
14-03-1952 GAC establishes in Beijing the Central Committee of Diseases Prevention
07-04-1952 Chinese investigating commission on biological warfare in Korea reports
15-04-1952 CC “Directive on Eradication of Drug Epidemic”
15-04-1952 CC disease prevention campaign is to improve public health
20-06-1952 the All-China Federation of Physical Culture is established
27-06-1952 Free medical care for workers in government and noncommercial organizations
18-12-1952 End of the campaign to eradicate drugs
03-04-1953 Mao "Instruction on Leadership Work of Health Departments of Military Commissions"
04-06-1954 Mao decides to set up a Research Academy of TCM
December 1954 Meeting of the St. Com. CC traditional Chinese medicine