Article 48 of the Common Program
Text
Article 48 of the Common Program

National physical culture shall be promoted. Public health and medical work shall be expanded and attention shall be paid to the protection of the health of mothers, infants and children.



15-3-1951 Provisional regulations governing the management of hospitals and clinics.
18-2-1952 Nie Rongzhen reports to Zhou and Mao on biological warfare
8-3-1952 Zhou makes a statement protesting the US use of bacteriological weapons
14-3-1952 GAC establishes in Beijing the Central Committee of Diseases Prevention
7-4-1952 Chinese investigating commission on biological warfare in Korea reports
15-4-1952 CC “Directive on Eradication of Drug Epidemic”
15-4-1952 CC disease prevention campaign is to improve public health
20-6-1952 the All-China Federation of Physical Culture is established
27-6-1952 Free medical care for workers in government and non commercial organizations
18-12-1952 End of the campaign to eradicate drugs
3-4-1953 Mao "Instruction on Leadership Work of Health Departments of Military Commissions"
4-6-1954 Mao decides to set up a Research Academy of TCM
December 1954 Meeting of the St. Com. CC traditonal chinese medecine

Introduction ....

With the help from League of Nations health reformers, the GMD government started in the 1930’s to build a nationwide network of medical institutions in urban and rural areas. Cities have priority but the healthcare is unevenly distributed. Rogaski (2004) gives an example of the city of Tianjin " In certain areas, most residents drank tap water and had adequate nutrition. In other areas, people drank water out of stagnant ponds and faced starvation. In 1949, infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, neonatal tetanus, dysentery, and encephalitis were the most common causes of death in Tianjin, the result of poverty, poor nutrition, inadequate housing, contaminated water supply, and a dearth of obstetric services and infant care. Epidemics still loomed even after Liberation....Tianjin was a city with relatively abundant medical resources. The problem was their unequal distribution. To solve these all-too-familiar public health problems, a great deal of work would have to be done to raise basic standards of living and to build up a public health infrastructure; improvements that would require a tremendous investment of time, money, and personnel from the new government."
Rogaski Ruth (2004). Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China. Page 290
After 1949 the medical organization is modeled after the Soviet system with its emphasis on constructing urban hospitals, industrial clinics, trade union sanatoria and technically advanced central medical research institutes. Medicine is practiced by medical missionaries and Chinese students who studied with them in China or abroad. Both have different goals "The missionaries tended to use medicine and health campaigns instrumentally as opportunities to spread the Word and gain converts. The Chinese doctors viewed medicine as a mechanism to help the development of the new Chinese nation through strengthening the bodies of the populace and bringing them enlightenment through Western science."
Gross (2010) also observes "… medical missionaries had extraterritoriality rights, unlike native doctors and Chinese health ministries, made it extremely challenging to develop joint programming. Not only were the medical missionaries and Chinese doctors divided, but the missionaries rarely worked well together either. The missionaries were drawn from many different sects that had originated in a variety of Western nations, each of which had its own medical practices. Thus they were separated both by ideological beliefs and by professional practice."
Gross, Miriam Dara (2010). Farewell to the god of plague: Chairman Mao’s campaign to deworm China. Page 45. She also remarks "All the doctors of whatever persuasion or nationality focused almost entirely on curative medicine, rather than preventive medicine. Preventive medicine brought in neither money, nor converts." Page 46
As in other segments of society, the CCP has to rely on GMD staff "...the medical techno–scientific elite, which felt safe enough in the knowing that the Communists had no choice but to fully incorporate the pre-existing Nationalist apparatus of both applied and theoretical medicine, with the exception of a handful of ‘famous physicians who had had close relationships with the “imperialists”.10"
Lynteris Christos (2013). The Spirit of Selflessness in Maoist China: Socialist Medicine and the New Man. Page 16. Yet Rogaski remarks ". In preparation for making the hospitals part of the state-owned public health network, the CCP sent cadres to take inventories of all the equipment and staff of each hospital. The Communists then secretly cultivated informants within the hospitals to collect information on any anti-CCP comments or appearance of any qin Mei (close with America) attitudes among hospital staff. 15 Communists were particularly suspicious of the political sentiments of Chinese physicians who had worked with foreigners." Rogaski (2004). Hygienic Modernity. Page 292
In rural areas most Chinese medicine doctors are from despised landlord families, the only group that could afford to educate their sons. "The few patients who could pay felt vindicated in withholding money from this denigrated group, leading to even smaller revenue streams. 63 The doctors’ families could not help either, because they had lost any resources they previously possessed. Chinese doctors tried to survive by increasing prices above the government-mandated amount, appropriating drugs or campaign materials and selling them on the side, pilfering money from the communal campaign account, or running away to resume private practice. However, due to government pressure and simultaneous efforts to eliminate private practitioners, their participation was often mandatory. 64 "
Gross Miriam Dara(2016). Farewell to the god of plague: Chairman Mao’s campaign to deworm China.
AnElissa (1980) remarks "While many Chinese economic and political decisions in the early 1950s emphasized industrial and urban development in an attempt to achieve Stalin's successes in rapid state-planned industrialization, Chinese national medical policies continued simultaneously to develop many of the organizational experiments started by Chinese medical reformers and administrators in the 1930s. As a consequence, Soviet impact on Chinese medical organization appears to have influenced only selected aspects of Chinese central and urban medical institutions: the development of specialized central research institutes under the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Chinese Academy of Medicine, the development of urban industrial workers' clinics and sanatoria, and the Communist Party's manoeuvres to gain political control over medical professionals by reorganizing their associations, journals, teaching curricula, research institutes and health institutions at all levels.57 "
AnElissa Lucas (1980). Changing Medical Models in China: Organizational Options or Obstacles? Page 482
In 1952 the national health policy can be described as priority for the needs of workers, peasants and soldiers, prevention, unity of Chinese and Western medicines and the combination of health work with mass movements.
"...various attempts were made to avoid the abstraction “westernization of Chinese medicine” and guarantee that the transformation was under a framework of “science” but not “Western.”" Liu Qing (2019). The cultural dilemma in the process of uniting Chinese and Western medicine from 1940 to 1950. Page 14
In 1952 two health insurances are introduced. One, which covers all government employees, college students and staff, and employees in political parties and mass organizations. This insurance is subsidized with governmental assets devoted special to this purpose. (See Article 2 for restriction of mobility) The other one is designated for all workers employed by state-owned enterprises. This is funded with contribution of the firms. See also Article 32 Peasants have to pay for their medical care on a fee-for-service basis. As soon as the agricultural collectivization starts cooperative health care is introduced. Yet the provision of rural medical services is below par.

Tradional Chinese Medicine ....

Mao Zedong calls at the 1st National health conference (August 7-18,1950) : “Our nation's health work teams are large. They have to concern themselves with over five hundred million people [including the] young, old and ill. This is a huge enterprise, and one that is extremely important. Thus our responsibility weighs heavily . . . At present, doctors of Western medicine are few, and [thus] the broad masses of the people, and in particular the peasants, rely on Chinese medicine to treat illness. Therefore, we must strive for the complete unification of Chinese medicine.”
Mao Zedong cited in Coussens Ann-Sophie (2008/9). Gezondheidszorg in Maoistisch China. Analyse van een Evolutie in het Licht van Wisselende Machtsverhoudingen. Page 26. Traditional Chinese doctors, each had their own (often secret) methods and had seldom contact with each other.
At the same conference
He Cheng
He Cheng (1901-1992) Vice Minister of Health (1949-1955)
, Vice Minister of Health says "Among health workers, as among other workers, a widespread political study and ideological rectification should be carried out in order to correct the misunderstanding that medical and pharmaceutical personnel have little to do with politics. Revolutionary humanitarianism must be promoted (among them)’ Chinese medicine has to absorb scientific theory. Western medicine needed to learn from Chinese medicine, to better approach the masses. ‘the distance between Chinese and Western medicines would day by day grow smaller, and the differences between Chinese and Western medicines would day by day disappear’, until they ‘open-heartedly and inseparably unite’"
cited in Coussens (2008/9). Gezondheidszorg in Maoistisch China. Page 27. "The term “science” was used in opposition to feudalism and superstition, which is very different from the definition in Western contexts. In addition, various attempts were made to avoid the abstraction “westernization of Chinese medicine” and guarantee that the transformation was under a framework of “science” but not “Western.”" Liu Qing (2019). The cultural dilemma in the process of uniting Chinese and Western medicine from 1940 to 1950. Page 14
After the conference several measures are taken. For example every Chinese doctor has to obtain a certificate of the Ministry of Health. The purpose of this measure is to gain control on private traditional medical care. In December 1951 the Ministry of health starts “school for further training of doctors”. The initial design of these schools, which are a bridge to the final unification of both (Western and Chinese) medical systems, was to improve the traditional treatments and skills of the Chinese doctors. In October 1952 an exam system is introduced, the examination is largely concerned in Western medicine. Most Chinese doctors fail the exam and are no longer allowed to practice medicine. Those who passed the exam were not allowed to work in Western hospitals. This resulted in an even bigger shortage of doctors and the unification completely failed.
Taylor (2005) mentions the main reason "Prior to 1954, there were no directives issued from the Central Committee regarding the path of the development of Chinese medicine. Only the most general statements from Mao made it clear that Chinese medicine was to be maintained and fostered through the use of the slogan ‘unification of Chinese and Western medicines ( )’. Just how such a concept of ‘unification’ was to be carried out, never mind achieved, was the responsibility of the Ministry of Health. "
Taylor Kim (2005). Chinese Medicine in Early Communist China, 1945-63 : A Medicine of Revolution. Page 30

A second reason for this failure is the composition of the Ministry of Health. The management of the ministry is for the most part in the hands of Western educated personnel. (Fu Lianzhang, He Cheng Su Jingguan, Cui Yitian and Qian Xinzhong, the 5 vice ministers are all Western educated and the minister Li Dequan was not educated in medicine) They are urban and Western orientated and they only provide lip service to the CCP policy. Part of the scarce budget is spent on diseases, such as tumors and cancer, subjects that at that time in China at that time are rather irrelevant, instead of researching diseases such as typhoid fever, cholera, malaria and smallpox.
This attitude provokes a lot of criticism and in 1953 Bai Xueguang 白学光(1912- ), starts an inspection tour. His rapport of March 27, 1953 contains sharp criticism of the bureaucratic conduct of the Ministry of Health. Leadership is not centralized, there exists a number of unresolved treatment issues as well as tremendous wastage of resources. There’s confusion among the many sub-departments, and many cadres are discontent within the ranks of the Ministry of Health.”
cited in Coussens (2008/9). Gezondheidszorg in Maoistisch China. Page 33
In October 1953 Mao Zedong states The most serious one is that [the Ministry] is short on politics, short on political work. There is too little Marxism-Leninism and socialism there. The Party must exercise overall leadership;
Mao Zedong Criticism of the Ministry of Public Health. October 1953
On June 1954 the decision is made to establish a research institute for traditional Chinese medicine. Lu Zhijun (1911-1999), a western educated doctor but a promoter of TCM becomes the director. The task of the institute is systematically organize the Chinese medicine knowledge, to compile textbooks and to educate teachers. On December 19, 1955 the institute is opened.
“Henceforth the most important thing is to ask practitioners of Western medicine to study Chinese medicine, and not for practitioners of Chinese medicine to study Western medicine. Firstly, we must transfer one to two hundred graduates of medical institutes or colleges, handing them over to some well-known doctors of Chinese medicine so that they can study their clinical experience. Furthermore, they should assume an attitude of great modesty in their studies. The study of Chinese medicine by practitioners of Western medicine is honourable. This is because through the studying and improving of Chinese medicine, the demarcation lines between Chinese and Western medicine can be discarded, to form one Unified Medicine of China, as a contribution to the whole world.” Taylor Kim (2005). Chinese Medicine in Early Communist China, 1945-63 : A Medicine of Revolution. Page 72

Acupuncture and Qigong ....

During the Qing dynasty acupuncture is considered to be ineffective. Therefore it was no longer state-sponsored and the elite turned away from this typical Chinese medicine. From then on acupuncture was only practiced among rural areas and lower classes. The use of herbs increased more and more. In 1930 an acupuncture research centre is founded. During the Japanese war and the civil war the institute closed. In 1951 the school is reopened. Between 1949 and 1953 several publication are printed. At the above mentioned school for further training of doctors acupuncture is a minor subject. The so called 'new acupuncture' had little effect.
Taylor (2005) concludes: "Science might have replaced the theory of disease, altered the presentation of the body, changed hand techniques, and reformed the description of individual acupuncture points, but in the ‘new acupuncture’ it did little in the role of diagnostics, and even less in the selection of acupuncture points. ...although such simplified forms of acupuncture were to accompany the barefoot doctor into rural China just over a decade later."
Taylor (2005). Chinese Medicine in Early Communist China. Page 61
Qigong therapy is also a traditional medical practice. It is use of body, breath and mind to cure illnesses. It is recognized by the ministry of Health as a medical treatment, after the abandonment of so called ‘feudal’, superstitious, or religious elements
...some doctors of traditional medicine promoted a novel view of qigong therapy that conformed to the ideology of the new state, maintaining that ‘qigong therapy was born from the knowledge of the great working people but, unfortunately, was exploited by Buddhism and Daoism and cloaked in superstition and mystery’.35 Others simply obscured any religious connection by asserting that the origin of qigong could no longer be ascertained.36 In this way, qigong therapy was recognised by the state as part of traditional medicine. Otehode Utiraruto and Penny Benjamin (2016). Qigong Therapy in 1950s China. Page 78
and the introduction of scientific methods. The work of
Ivan Pavlov
Ivan Pavlov (1849-1936) SU scientist contributed to many areas of physiology and neurological sciences
was invoked to provide a ‘modern’ and ‘scientific’ basis for qigong.

Health Campaigns....

In March 1952, Zhou Enlai is named chairman of a new central epidemic prevention committee. China had only fifty-one thousand doctors in 1950. In most rural places herbalists, midwives, and Chinese medicine practitioners are active. Their skills range from competence to quackery.
"...herbalists, bone-setters, snakedoctors, and those villagers who used folk methods to cure common illnesses, such as tumefaction, heat stroke, and stomach bulging. Usually, these practices were family traditions that had been passed down from previous generations, 9 and the people who practiced them were not considered medical professionals by their fellow villagers....In addition to folk healers, religious and supernatural healers were very popular. " Fang Xiaoping (2008). From union clinics to barefoot doctors: healers, medical pluralism, and state medicine in Chinese villages, 1950–1970. Page 223
Mao Zedong mentions an important obstacle for all health campaigns "Agricultural production is the predominant work in the countryside. In the countryside all other types of work revolve around agricultural production and serve its interests. All so-called work assignments and work methods that may hinder the peasants from carrying out production must be avoided...nor is it possible to interfere too much with the peasants. "
19-03-1953 Mao Zedong "Resolve the Problem of the 'Five Excesses'
Gross (2016) mentions one more obstacle "From whole provinces down to the individual villager, campaign work was determined not by what was most effective but rather by what was affordable."
Gross (2016). Farewell. Page 79. She also mentions "The most blatant manipulation of labor and money was reserved for the prevention campaign. For snail elimination teams, in addition to withholding labor or calling people back after only a couple of days’ work, cadres often selected people with half labor power, such as the elderly; teenagers with a poor work record; and landlords, intellectuals, and others deemed bad or from reactionary political categories... " Page 85

The promises made by propaganda, which stressed complete eradication of disease and the reality, with outcomes of only 60% or less cure rate, resulted in patient’s feelings of betrayal and deception. Propaganda methods used, include movies, slideshows, plays and posters.
"However, posters never played anything but a supportive role and merely amplified visually what was conveyed through printed or broadcast media, through mass meetings and communal reading groups." Landsberger Stefan R. (2010). To spit or not to spit –Health and Hygiene Communication through Propaganda Posters in the PRC –A Historical Overview. Page 6
Most rural areas lack electricity and ‘old’ techniques are used like opera, theater, story-telling and songs.
The antisyphilis campaign is the first mass campaign. Syphilis is widely spread (tens of millions) particularly in minority regions (10% of the total). At the end of the era, syphilis is under control.
These methods are excellent to stir emotions (land reform campaign) but insufficient to transmit scientific information. This use of traditional entertainment subverts CCP ideology of crushing superstitious beliefs and popularization of science.
One aspect of these beliefs is Feng Shui, Gross (2016) observes "In the early 1950s, even the location of these theatrical productions and educational shows were often the same as religious festivals, occurring during large markets, fairs, and holidays. Although reaching many people, they turned snail fever campaign education into simply one more sideshow."
Gross (2016). Farewell. Page 110
The failure to transmit scientific knowledge hinders the campaigns. This comes at the expense of prevention which should be primary and treatment a supplement. In reality prevention is neglected in favor of treatment. Propaganda for sanitation work meets a big challenge, most people see feces, urine, saliva, garbage, and animal manure as natural and as part of the ecosystem, so managing them seemed unnecessary and intrusive. Sanitation work is considered make-work, a non-productive labor, a waste of time. Sanitation work involves interference in the environment. This intervention can prepossess feng shui, but disruption of feng shui
claims to use energy forces to harmonize individuals with their surrounding environment.
can bring repercussions.
Women in particular are hard to convince to be treated, they are indispensable in their household duties like cleaning, cooking, tending animals and growing vegetables , caring for children, and attending the elderly. They can and will not afford to leave their homes. The treatment of men is also difficult due to their working the land. "Whereas a son was their social security system, a woman who would not work around the house or bear children bestowed a bad fate on their new household that would curtail the family line. Nobody wanted to waste family resources on somebody like that. "
Gross (2016). Farewell. Page 194

Patriotic Public Health Movement....

On February 23, 1952 the Renmin Ribao publishes for the first time about “the appalling crime of the American aggressors in Korea in using bacteriological warfare.”
For political and social historians, the accuracy of the charges is not as important as how these charges were used by the CCP leadership as a catalyst to push for domestic political reform in China, in particular, to create a highly politicized "Patriotic Health Campaign," which had a lasting and widespread impact that few social mobilizations could match. Yang Nianqun (2004). ‘Disease Prevention, Social Mobilization and Spatial Politics: The Anti-Germ Warfare Incident of 1952 and the ‘Patriotic Health Campaign. Page 156
This accusation was the starting signal for a national campaign called 'The Patriotic Hygiene Campaign'. The campaign emphasizes that the health of the individual is just as important as the health of the state. The CCP states that both are inextricably linked, the health of the individual is inseparable of the health of the collective.
On March 9, 1952 the CCP issues a directive: "...dividing the nation into four “prevention regions” based on their proximity to the Korean front. It defined Korea as “epidemic region,” the Northeast as an “emergent anti epidemic region,” the northern, eastern, south-central, and coastal areas as “anti-epidemic supervisory regions”, and the south-central interior, north-western, and south-western areas as “anti-epidemic preparation regions.” Each region was assigned with different sets of tasks. The tasks for the “epidemic region,” for instance, included a massive program of injections, elimination of all germ-carrying animals, and designation of special hospitals for inflicted patients and quarantine of the epidemic inflicted areas."
Yang (2004). Disease Prevention. Pages 169-170
The campaign has two major goals. The annihilations of the 5 pests: flies, mosquitoes, mice and rats, lice, and bedbugs. The other goal of the campaign "… women and others who labored inside the home were mobilized to clear, dredge, and sweep the city clean. In Tianjin, hundreds of thousands of housewives, joined by university and high school students, helped to clear miles of the city’s stagnant and odiferous drainage canals. 25 Residents supplied with picks, shovels, and shoulder-poles filled in more than seven hundred cesspools, one bucketful of soil at a time. Neighborhood cleanups removed tons of trash from domestic interiors and from public spaces: old derelict temples, opera halls ,and street corners."
Rogaski Ruth (2004). Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China. Page 296
This campaign is an example of mass mobilization. Neighborhood committees organize meetings to convince housewives and retirees to take care of domestic hygiene. The purpose is to turn average citizens into an army of volunteer public health and sanitation workers. On the one hand the participation level was not always high. Rogaski (2004) writes "During the 1952 mobilizations, there was considerable foot dragging and ignoring of the government’s objectives. For every jiji fenzi (activist from local society) who joined a neighborhood domestic hygiene inspection team, there were many more who failed to see any connection whatsoever between sweeping the floor and defending the nation against germs. 27 Apparently fear of biological weapons was not an entirely adequate motivation to compel the masses to become hygienically modern. "
Rogaski (2004). Hygienic Modernity. Page 297. Yang writes "In designing the process, women were specially targeted because they had more free time and could play an active role in informal community activities. In the Northeast, the anti germ-warfare movement initially organized women into special quarantine groups, which later expanded to include the elderly and children. 55 In a summary of its prevention work the municipal government of Shengyang, credited its success to women activists in various residential districts who organized into an "important force in the anti-epidemic work." 56 The party's newspaper lost no time to publicize stories of women 'health stars.'" Yang (2004). Page Page 174

Most people do not see the connection between between bacteria, insects and diseases. Diseases are only seen as a phenomenon of nature. In rural areas the peasants notice that the harvest has not been affected. They also rely on old habits instead of modern tools. "...,local religious groups, which had been perceived by the party as residues of the old society, were now using the movement to seek legitimacy and expansion of influence, ironically becoming a strong force to resist the state penetration to the grassroots society."
Yang (2004). Page 172
Smith (2006b) cites a report of a public security bureau in Hebei "As a general rule, before people start to seek holy medicine many rumours circulate, and female spirit mediums (…) and immortals-come-to-earth become active, enticing the minority of the masses who are sick to seek holy medicine. If a person whose illness is not serious fully recovers, then rumours run wild and the masses, seeing what has happened, start to believe. At this point the numbers seeking medicine rise sharply"
Smith Steve A. (2006b). Local Cadres Confront the Supernatural: The Politics of Holy Water (Shenshui) in the PRC, 1949–1966. Page 1001. Those visitors include members of the CCP and communist youth league members. Page 1009. Often local cadres compromise with the local people because the fight against superstition has a low priority in comparising with grain requisition.
Therefore newspapers and radio broadcast stopped giving only medical information but stressed germ-warfare descriptions with reports about its victims.
On the other hand Yang (2004) notices "...false alarms and overreactions also increased, 34 indicating that fear, instead of indifference or neglect, was becoming a common reaction. Political propaganda shifted towards transforming popular fear into social reform and national mobilization."
Yang (2004). Page 167
This campaign aims at 2 goals. The first is to get the whole nation involved in the disease prevention movement. The second goal is to accustom the people to accept massive political campaigns which influence their daily life.
Lynteris (2013) characterizes "The Patriotic Hygiene Campaign, ...was a means of challenging the significance of medical expertise and promoting the model of ‘people’s war’, or mass mobilisation, as the correct way of constructing socialism in China. "
Lynteris (2013). The Spirit of Selflessness in Maoist China. Page 12

Schistosomiasis health campaign....

One of the most outstanding health campaign is the schistosomiasis health campaign. The disease affected 10.6 million people with another 100 million at risk in the southern part of China (mainly in areas along the Yangtze River and to the south of the river basin. These areas include 348 counties in 10 provinces, the Shanghai Municipality and Guangxi Region). Schistosomiasis threatens the productivity of farmland, labor and capital (draft animals). In the 1950s, the endemic situation of schistosomiasis was extremely serious in various endemic areas of Jiangxi province. Average infection rate for inhabitants was above 10%.
Guo Jiagang (2003). Schistosomiasis Control. Page 12
Regional distribution of schistosomiasis before the 1950s in China

Source: Guo Jiagang (2003). Schistosomiasis Control in China: Strategy of Control and Rapid Assessment of Schistosomiasis Risk by Remote Sensing (RS) and Geographic Information System (GIS). Page 15

"Based on reasons of military and economic security, the new Communist regime designated the campaign as a political, rather than a health campaign and promoted it as one of its earliest efforts at transformation of the rural environment. Although the campaign was hindered by lack of funding, material resources, technical and medical skills, and the recalcitrance of the putative participants - both villagers and local cadre; the Party was still able to use the campaign to realize beneficial goals and build positive connections at the bottom level. To understand the complex dynamics of resistance, assimilation, and attempts to assert authority played out against a background of impoverished resources and power struggles within the new regime"
Gross Miriam Dara (2010). Chasing snails : anti- schistosomiasis campaigns in the People's Republic of China. Pages xvi-xvii. Fan Kawai and Lai Honkei (2008) claim "More importantly, it was obvious that Mao, the Communist Party, and the central government had little interest in schistosomiasis prevention programs. Without their support,local governments could do very little. Although the disease was recognized as one of the most serious in eastern China in 1951 (Li 1958; Section of Health 1951), it was not listed as one of the “serious diseases harmful to people” in the government’s first five-year plan in 1953. The leaders of the central government did not appreciate the gravity of the disease,and Mao and the Ministry of Health never treated it as a national public health issue." Fan Kawai and Lai Honkei (2008). Mao Zedong’s Fight Against Schistosomiasis. Page 178
see also Article 2 The new regime can rely on personnel, infrastructure and knowledge form the GMD administration but it lacked resources. The CCP faces several problems in combatting the desease. Most doctors have employment in the cities and are reluctant to work in inhospitable rural areas. In the early 1950s, rural health bureaus lack personnel to conduct a treatment campaign, to promote ideas about sanitation and public health, and the power to mandate altered behavior. The inhabitants of the newly ‘liberated’areas have little trust in the new government.
During the Sanfan (see Article 18) the local health services get disintegrated "Medical workers unhappy at being posted in the countryside took advantage of the chaos to return home. In some places, the Three-Anti Campaign affected both the quality and the quantity of public health work for up to a year afterward. "
Gross Miriam Dara(2016). Farewell to the god of plague: Chairman Mao’s campaign to deworm China. Page 25
"The Chinese government saw medicine as one of the easiest ways to demonstrate the scientific nature of CCP rule that would guide the population to a new scientific socialist future. This future was always juxtaposed against the backwards, superstitious past that had supposedly remained unchanged for the last 5,000 years. "
Gross (2010). Chasing snails. Page 478
Between 1949 and 1954 the number of research papers on schistosomiasis nearly doubled over what it had been in the previous 40 years.
Berry-Cabán notices "Some of this research was of the standard fare: testing various molluscicides, from copper sulfate to Paris green and DDT; testing various antimony drugs for their therapeutic effects; surveying reservoir hosts; and searching for more reliable diagnostic methods. However, other aspects of this research such as finding methods of killing schistosome eggs in feces stored for fertilizers and testing native herbal drugs for their therapeutic and molluscicidal effects had a uniquely Chinese flavor." Berry-Cabán Cristóbal S. (2007). Return of the God of Plague: Schistosomiasis in China. Page 48
At the end of the 1950’s, despite all difficulties, the endemic disease is to some extent eliminated. Treatment of the desease is successful, prevention of the desease not. True elimination occurs for most places during the late seventies and eighties.

Anti malaria campaign....

The aim of the anti-malaria campaign in 1952 is to reduce the cases of malaria and the death rate. Several ministries join their efforts to make this campaign a success. Also organizations like the Red Cross, the ACFDW and the ACFTU participate in this campaign. Besides these organizations urban communities, work units and rural villages are mobilized. "The campaign attempted to turn the masses from passive recipients of medicine and health care into active fighters against diseases and masters of their own health. This approach to combatting diseases was dubbed ‘the mass mobilization model’ in the study of malaria.19"
Bu Liping (2014). Anti-Malaria Campaigns and The Socialist Reconstruction of China, 1950–80. Page 120
The lack of medicines, health professionals, special in the countryside, makes a real breakthrough very difficult. The posters do not promote anti-malaria drugs, which are not available, but focusses on prevention. Lu (2014) remarks "... the campaign would only have disappointed its target population and decreased their enthusiasm for health work. It could even have undermined the credibility of the government itself."
Bu (2014). Anti-Malaria Campaigns. Page 125
Traditional methods of moxibustion and burning mosquito-repellent are promoted alongside with modern techniques of spraying insecticide. This mixed use of Western and Chinese medicines is endorsed by the government. In Yunnan the cinchona trees are cultivated to provide a reliable supply of quinine.
Oddly in 1953 the Hekou farm (a technological innovation place) was "...transformed into a new experimental field for rubber plantations to supply “communist” rubber to the Soviet Union." Shen Yubin (2017). Malaria and global networks of tropical medicine In modern China, 1919-1950. Page 229

Anti Drug campaign....

In December 1952 the People's Republic of China declares to be a ‘drug-free nation’.
"On 18 December the CCPCC issued Luo Ruiqing’s ‘Concluding Report on the Nationwide Campaign to Eradicate Drugs’, marking an end to the campaign. During the campaign, police commentators assert that 345,463 drug users were registered, 82,056 people were arrested, 880 were executed and the balance punished with life imprisonment, fixed-term imprisonment, reform through labour or control,with a small number released" Biddulph Sarah (2007). Legal reform and administrative detention powers in China. Page 80
From 1950 onwards an anti-drug campaign is held. On September 12, 1950 a directive states a strict prohibation of drug taking.
"During the initial phase of drug prohibition underthc PRC, several major national and regional laws and decrees were issued. These included the 1949 Temporary Measures on Prohibiting Opium and Other Narcotic Drugs in the Huabei Region, the 1949 Temporary Measures on Prohibiting Opium Smoking in Suiyuan Province. The 1950 Decree on Banning Opium issued by the Executive Administrativc Ministry, the 1950 Measures on Completely Eradicating Opium issued by the Southwestern Military Government Committee, the 1951 Measures of Eradicating Opium Smoking in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, and the 1952 Directive on Prohibiting Opium and Other Narcotic Drugs issued by the Northeastcm People’s Government. Lu Hong, Miethe Terance D.& Liang Bin (2016). China's Drug Practices and Policies: Regulating Controlled Substances in a Global Context. Page 89

Trade unions, mass organizations and the CCP hold large education forums and anti-drug gatherings. During these rallies drug users are publicly shamed (and subject to detention for coercive rehabilitation) and drug traffickers sentenced. Offenders, who turn themselves in, confess and show remorse, are treated leniently. Persistent offenders (e.g. drug kingpins and drug lords) are confronted with economic sanctions (fines, confiscating of properties) or imprisonment or death penalty. These anti-drug campaign is mainly carried out in urban regions. In one area, the southwest of China, the major drug-producing region the campaign starts in 1956. The production of drugs in the southwest part of China is located in isolated and mountainous regions occupied by minorities.
Zhou (1999) remarks "The authorities clearly realized that in some areas, opium was still the main source of income for many ordinary households. Without full control of that area and without replacing poppies with crops, the Communists knew that conducting opium suppression would have provoked strong resistance, even riots ,…"
Zhou Yongming (1999). Anti-drug Crusades in Twentieth-century China: Nationalism, History, and State Building. Rowman & Littlefield. Page 161.
In some areas an allowance as compensation for the lost income is paid, in some cases debtors are allowed to grow poppy untill they have paid of their debts. Sometimes even compensation is paid for loss of income for former employees of the opium traffickers.
Fortmann Richard (1976).The Politics of Drug Addiction: A Comparison of United States and Chinese Drug Policies since 1949. Pages 209-210
Bale (2017) states "In reality, however, the situation was much more complicated and variegated, since both the GMD and the Communist regimes - like later Qing Dynasty rulers and various regional warlords - vacillated between adopting harsh anti-opium rhetoric and periodic eradication campaigns, on the one hand, and secretly regulating and taxing the domestic production and sale of opium, which provided them with an important source of revenue in lean times, on the other."
Bale Jeffrey M. (2017). The Darkest Sides of Politics, II: State Terrorism, “Weapons of Mass Destruction,” Religious Extremism, and Organized Crime. Note 46

Birth control...

The new government starts almost immediately with health campaigns, giving information about improvement of hygiene. The administration takes measures to limit the effects of natural disasters (floods and droughts resulting in famines) by an effective central administration, improved flood control, transport, food distribution, and health services. These actions cause a lower rate of death and mortality rates and growth of the population. (The birthrate is between 1949 and 1954 annually more than 37‰. in 1949 in Guangzhou the birthrate was 27 per thousand, at the end of 1954 it had risen to 44 per thousand population)
Birth and Death Rates in China, 1949 to 1984
Source: Riley Nancy E. (2004). China’s Population: New Trends and Challenges. Population Bulletin, 59,2.Page 6

Child mortality is also caused by incapable midwives. "In the early 1950s, the new Communist regime in China endowed rural women who occasionally attended births with new techniques as well as political and social identities. The Party viewed these women as old-style practitioners whose childbirth techniques needed to be improved, as newly liberated women whose political consciousness needed to be raised, and as traditional women in an agricultural society whose habitual behaviours needed to be disciplined. Chinese medical classics portrayed these traditional rural midwives as ignorant, coarse, perverse and dangerous; "
Fang Xiaoping (2007). Bamboo Steamers and Red Flags: Building Discipline and Collegiality among China’s Traditional Rural Midwives in the 1950's. Page 2
At the end of 1951 the Ministry of Health declares that there should be at least one trained midwife per district, especially in rural areas midwifery is quite random, the distribution is uneven and the quality often low. Training programmes of two weeks are started for those with the right political background (oppressed and/or exploited). "...the two-week format proved to be the most popular as it enabled the greatest number of traditional rural midwives to be trained within the shortest time, maximizing the highly limited budget allocated for this purpose by the provincial department of public health "
Fang Xiaoping (2007). Bamboo Steamers and Red Flags. Page 6
On September 16, 1949 Mao Zedong speaks out about birth control: "Each time the Chinese people overthrew a feudal dynasty it was because of the oppression and exploitation of the people by that feudal dynasty, and not because of any over-population… It is a very good thing that China has a big population. Even if China’s population multiplies many times, she is fully capable of finding a solution; the solution is production. The absurd argument of Western bourgeois economists like Malthus 3 that increases in food cannot keep pace with increases in population was not only thoroughly refuted in theory by Marxists long ago, but has also been completely exploded by the realities in the Soviet Union and the Liberated Areas of China after their revolutions."
Mao Zedong bankruptcy of idealist conception of history 16 september 1949
Population development in the cities, 1949-1998
Source: Wu Yuping (2004). "Die zukünftige demographische Alterung und das Problem der Altersversorgung in China unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Metropole Shanghai und der Provinz Gansu". Page 27
Mao Zedong follows with his statement the SU, which favours an ‘anti-Malthusian’ viewpoint. A characteristic point of view is ‘strength lies in numbers’. The People’s Daily hails the 600 million as the most precious of all the categories of capital.
"Six Hundred Million People - A Great Strength for Socialist Construction of Our Country." Renmin ribao (People's Daily). November 1, 1954 Beijing.
A second reason for this pro-natalist opinion lies in the agriculture need for numerous children to uphold ancestor worship and to facilitate land cultivation.
"An ancient Chinese peasant proverb says: If you are planning for one year, sow grain; if you are planning for ten years, plant trees; but when you are planning for a hundred years, grow men."
In contrast to the SU a pro-natalist policy is not applied. There are no ‘Orders of the Glory of Motherhood’
Liu Shaoqi states "Should China praise "heroic mothers" and encourage more births? No. We should not, and I don't think we should do it in future either; probably we can never do so.", but there are likewise no institution for birth control." 27-12 1954 Liu Shaoqi "Encourage birth control"
but there are likewise no institution for birth control.
The CCP had forbidden abortion between 1931-1948 despite liberal marriage laws experiments in this period. See Article 6 . A reason for this attitude is to offset the effects of disease, infant mortality, and high death rates in the base areas during the Japanese war and the civil war. At the same time, the party had encouraged young people to delay marriage and childbirth so that they could devote all their energies to the work of the revolution. In reality the CCP maintains a two-track policy—allowing urban, educated women to practice birth control while encouraging childbearing among peasant women.
Population development in rural areas, 1949-1998
Source: Wu Yuping (2004). "Die zukünftige demographische Alterung und das Problem der Altersversorgung in China unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Metropole Shanghai und der Provinz Gansu". Page 28
"In April 1950 rules for army and government personnel in the Beijing region made abortion contingent on medical indications, plus the written consent of husbands, superiors and doctors. …Moreover, all cadres in central government and Party organs had to obtain the personal endorsement of the Minister of Health himself."
Scharping Thomas (2013). Birth Control in China 1949-2000: Population Policy and Demographic Development. Pages 30-31
A third reason that can be mentioned is the fact that healtcare is "Dominated by Western-trained medical professionals inclined by tradition and training to be conservative on contraception, the ministry (of health) drew up regulations that imposed severe restrictions on access to contraception, abortion, and sterilization."
White Tyrene (2018). China's Longest Campaign: Birth Planning in the People's Republic, 1949–2005. Page 22
In May 1952 the Ministry of Health issues a regulation which stipulates the conditions for abortion: In cases of severe illness or threat to the woman. In addition, no woman was eligible for sterilization unless she was thirty-five years old, had six or more children, and had one child aged 10 or above. The import of contraceptives is forbidden in January 1953. This policy causes major irritation among women. "...,women in the party’s senior ranks began to press for a change in policy, linking access to birth control to the larger movement for women’s liberation that was already under way."
White (2018). China's Longest Campaign . Page 23
Their plea is heard by the (party) leaders (in particular Deng Xiaoping, Liu Shaoqi and
Shao Lizi
Shao Lizi (1882-1967) Scholar and politician
) and in July 1954 the ban on contraceptives is lifted and the promotion of birth control starts.
But it is not only this plea that makes this change possibly. The economic reality also plays an important role. "By 1953, it became clear to many Chinese leaders that the country’s large population was directly contributing to the ongoing food shortages. Although the government maintained that this was untrue, an editorial published in April in People’s Daily declared that the problem of food scarcity would continue due to the increasing demands of a growing population, bringing the issue to widespread public attention for the first time. In this context, Mao and other high-ranking party leaders began to acknowledge the need for birth control measures, though these discussions happened behind closed doors.""
Craffey Maya (2018). Maternal Health and the Relaxation of the One-Child Policy in China, 2004-2015. Page 19
White (2018) notices "In practice, birth control remained extremely controversial, medical personnel remained generally hostile to disseminating information, cadres delayed giving the necessary approvals, and contraceptives were extremely scarce and of poor quality; abortion and sterilization remained the primary methods of birth control. In short, access for many people was more theoretical than real."
White (2018). Pages 25-26
Goldstein (1998) concludes: "...the Chinese state’s promotion of prenatal health care and new birthing methods could be seen as intruding into women’s social spaces, eroding their agency or autonomy, and redefining how their gender and physiology was conceived to make them more available to the state as both a reproductive and productive force…. these campaign contributed to saving millions of lives and in many ways opened new possibilities to the women involved with them. But at the same time these campaigns were a form of bio-power which integrated women and the birth process into a new ideological and political order of controlling and at times repressive state management "
Goldstein Joshua (1998). Scissors, Surveys, And Psycho-Prophylactics: Prenatal Health Care Campaigns And State Building In China, 1949-1954. Page 177

Hygiene posters...

Sport...

In april 1917 Mao Zedong stated "Our nation is wanting in strength. The military spirit has not been encouraged; The physical condition of the population deteriorates daily. This is an extremely disturbing phenomenon."
Mao Zedong, “A Study of Physical Education”
In the Chinese context the term ‘Tiyu’ (体育) is often used instead of sport. 'Tiyu' also includes general fitness, traditional exercise and martial arts (e.g., taijiquan and wushu), chess, folk dance, competitive and non-competitive paramilitary activities, collective games, and various kinds of broadcast calisthenics.
Shuman Amanda G. (2014). The politics of socialist athletics in the People’s Republic of China, 1949-1966. Page 4. Broadcast calisthenics are sets of exercises broadcast on loudspeakers and designed for ordinary people to perform on a routine basis. Page 72
At the All-China Sport and Physical Education Congress held on 26-27 October 1949, Zhu De, vice-chairman of the Communist Party, explained: "Sport and physical education is an important part of education and health. The central government must understand this. Sport should serve the people, serve national defense and serve the purpose of improving people’s health. Students, farmers, workers, soldiers, citizens should all participate in physical exercise and sports activities.16"
Cited in Lu Zhouxiang, Fan Hong ( 2013). Sport and Nationalism in China Routledge. Page 80
Only after the more or less failed participation of the 1952 Helsinki Olympic Games (See Article 11 note 62) a separate ministry level sports commission is established. It shall have equal status to that of others, such as the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Finance, He Long becomes the head. Having seen the results of the Soviet Union on the Olympic Games
Soviet Union ended on the 2nd rank, after the US with 71 medals, 22 gold, 30 silver and 19 bronze.
Rong Gaotang
Rong Gaotang (1912-2006) Vice President of the All-China Sports Federation
proposes:
"..that China should adopt the model of the Soviet Union to develop a sports policy and a centralised management system to meet the country’s political and diplomatic requirements. … The ACSF (All China Sport Federation) is only a semi-governmental organisation and it does not have the power to lead the development of sport and physical education in China. Rong argued that Chinese sport policy and practice should follow the model of the Soviet Union as it had been proved to be the most successful one in the world."
Xu Guoqi (2008). Olympic Dreams China and Sports 1895–2008. Page 77
Shortly after these proposals, the CCP instructs Rong Gaotang: 1) Begin the preparation of the structure of the new Ministry of Sport; 2) Begin to recruit professional full time athletes from the army and society; 3) Start to build an athletic stadium; 4) Begin to establish sports institutes; 5) Hold a National Games next year (1953).
Fan Wei , Fan Hong & Lu Zhouxiang (2010) Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre- and Post-Beijing 2008. Page 2383. 1st National Games is only being held in Beijing in 1959
Besides this founding of a sports commission in June 1952, also other measurements are taken, the magazine issue of Xin Tiyu in July 1950,
25 to 50 percent of each monthly issue in the early 1950s to topics such as the structure of the Soviet system, Soviet tiyu theory, Soviet training methods, and successful Soviet athletes. "Targeting cadres and teachers in"physical education, athletes, and sports enthusiasts in the army, factories, and schools, this magazine published news stories about sporting events in the PRC, featured photographs of folk exercises, introduced athletics in other communist countries, and set up such columns as “exchange of pedagogies of physical education,” “short stories,” and “science of exercise and physiology.”" Lu Xiaoning (2011). Promote physical culture and sport, Improve the people’s constitution. Page 179
the start of broadcast calisthenics in late 1951.
China sends a delegation to observe the 1st Asian Games from 4 to 11 March 1951. The First National Minority Nationalities Traditional Sports Games are held in Tianjin on November 8-12, 1953 with 13 nationalities and 395 athletes. Other mass tiyu activities are held "...particularly useful for rallying behind national and patriotic goals that would help consolidate the new regime’s power, and no truer was this than for the Resist America Aid Korea campaign that began following China’s entry into the KoreanWar in October 1950"
Shuman (2014). The politics of socialist athletics. Page 68
The National Athletic team is established in 1953; the National Table Tennis, Swimming, Badminton teams in 1954; the National Gymnastics team in 1955.
In his speech of june 30, 1953 for an audience of the Youth League, Mao Zedong explains: "Now we must ensure that everybody is in good health; we must ensure that workers, peasants, soldiers, students, and cadres are all in good health. Of course, being in good health doesn't necessarily mean that one will study well; studying [well] requires certain methods…. On the one hand there is study, on the other recreation, rest, and sleep; both aspects must be taken into full consideration. Young workers, young peasants, and young soldiers study as they work; for them, too, work and study [on the one hand] and recreation, rest, and sleep [on the other] must both be taken into full consideration. Both ends must be firmly grasped. Studying and work must be firmly grasped, but sleep, rest, and recreation must be firmly grasped also. In the past we only took hold of one end firmly, and we didn't take a firm hold on the other end, or else didn't take hold of it at all. Now we must develop some [programs for] recreation; there must be time and facilities [for recreation]. At this end too, we must take a firm hold. The Central Committee of the Party has already decided to reduce the number of meetings and the time [required] for study; you must supervise the implementation [of this decision]. If there are people who don't carry it out, [an explanation] should be demanded of them."
30-06-1953 Mao Zedong Speech on the Youth League
In November 1953 the authors of a report of the China National Sport Commission still complain that …many cadres not only did not understand the importance of sports but “have even ignored sports.”43
Xu Guoqi (2008). Olympic Dreams. Page 48
Partly the reason for this is "Nevertheless, tiyu in this transitional period was far more complex than labels of “new” and “old” indicate because it was built on legacies of the past, plans for the future, modeled on the Soviet system, and was directed by Communist revolutionaries, a variety of experts from the earlier Republican period, and a handful of Soviet tiyu specialists. ...Tiyu workers, experts, professors, and athletes who remained on the mainland after 1949 also played vital roles in the development of “new” tiyu, including training the next generation of athletes and leaders. Some became or remained leaders in national tiyu organizations. In other words, so-called “new” tiyu in the early 1950s retained some of the characteristics of “old” tiyu."
Shuman (2014). The politics of socialist athletics. Pages 28-30
In the eyes of some Party leaders the "old" tiyu experts are seen as less trustworthy than fellow cadres and thus requiring supervision.

Sport is considered as a weapon against American imperialism, in the 30’s and 40’s the physical culture is based on the principles of American methods.
Feng Wenbin
Feng Wenbin (1911-1997) President of the All-China Sports Federation
states "The American imperialists spread their sport not because they were concerned about the health of the Chinese people, but because sport was an ideal tool of cultural imperialism. The American imperialists emphasised to the Chinese people that American sports equipment is the best, their athletes are the fastest and their basketball team is the top one...in the world."
cited in Hwang Dong-jhy (2002). Sport, Imperialism and Postcolonialism: A Critical Analysis of Sport in China 1860-1993. Page 116
Likewise sport is seen as a weapon against feudalist martial arts. It has to be of scientific character and oppose feudal and superstitious ideas. "A particular case was the Chinese martial arts of Wusu, which was seen as a tool of the counter-revolutionaries “who had set up anti-revolutionary organizations which threatened the stability of society, taught young people to be thieves and rapists and provided shelter for the people’s enemies” . Fan’s argument agrees unconditionally with the government’s official claim that these Wusu organizations in the countryside and cities should be banned, and that Wusu groups in schools, factories and government departments should be reorganized by the Youth League and local governments."
Hwang (2002). Sport, Imperialism and Postcolonialism. Page 117

In August 1950 a sport delegation leaves for Moscow, back in Beijing they communicate their findings: "...the importance of everyone participating in exercise, as well as the necessity of having a large sports stadium with the capacity for 100,000 and an indoor sports arena with a capacity of 10,000.111 Such advice was taken seriously; a plan from the Beijing Municipal Education Bureau in mid-1952 proposed spending nearly 23 billion yuan to build or renovate sports stadiums, fields, and equipment for children and adults.112"
Shuman (2014). Pages 61-62
On December 20, 1950 the first Soviet Union sport delegation visits the PRC. During their stay the delegation visits 8 cities and 14 meetings are held with Chinese officials. The development of Chinese sports programs and sports exchanges in the first half of the 1950s sought to fulfill the goals of the Common Program, while also adopting Soviet-inspired sports programs in China. "PRC leaders wanted these state-sponsored sports programs to strengthen the masses of Chinese bodies and Chinese athletes for the purposes of national goals. However, they also envisioned Soviet-inspired sports programs as the correct path to becoming a socialist state, within the context of Soviet-led international socialism."
Shuman (2014). Page 16
Most elite athletes in the 1950s came from schools and universities, which were the first institutional settings for women's sport.

Numbers of athletes of national competitions Source: Dong Jinxia (2004). Women, Sport and Society in Modern China: Holding Up More Than Half the Sky. Page 29

On February 21, 1954 Zhou Enlai delivers a speech "Building physical fitness for the motherland" in which he defines sport as a political mission for national defence and the construction of the socialist country: "The most urgent mission is to develop industry and the economy and consolidate national defence. This mission requires all of us to have strong bodies. We need modern technology to develop our industry. Modern technology cannot be operated without strong and healthy workers. Our people are not strong enough to be qualified workers. Furthermore, modern weapons, such as tanks and jet planes, also need strong and healthy operators. Thus, the GTO is not only designed for the improvement of an individual’s health, but also for national defence and the construction of a socialist country. It is a political mission."
Fan Hong & Lu Zhouxiang (2012) Representing the New China and the Sovietisation of Chinese sport (1949–1962). Page 9
Xu (2008) remarks "the modern physical culture so quickly accepted as tiyu was novel for its systematic” effort to link “individual strength, discipline, and health” with the military, industrial, and diplomatic “strength” of the national body.62 For the Chinese, tiyu not only conveyed a distinct sense of sports, but also the idea that through the forum of sports as public culture, they could articulate Chinese nationalism, the national identity of China, and even the meaning of being Chinese. "
Xu (2008). Olympic Dreams Page 28. Remarkable: The sport of bodybuilding had been banned because of its bourgeois vanity in 1953.

This so called Labour Defence System is based on the Soviet Union “Ready for Labour and Defence” system. Hwang (2002) distinguishes five basic aspects of Chinese physical education "(i) the most basic was exercise—the core of the physical training programme. Participation in a varied set of exercises was viewed as preparation for all other aspects of physical education; (ii) physical education involved both games and dance which were included in the middle school programme; (iii) sports were seen as an extension of basic exercises with competition (iv) physical education involved training for labour and defence....(v) physical education involved complete patriotic and socialist education. "
Hwang (2002). Page 121
The Labour Defence System is largely confined to schools above middle school level and the upper school physical education programme, it has always a military flavour. The National Defense Sports Society (NDSS) is established in 1952. The NDSS is a section of the "Sports Ministry". Its mission is to promote parachute jumping, shooting, camping, sailing, aero modeling, radio sports, motorcycling, aerodonetics and other military sports in the cities. A total of 163 sports grounds are built around the country to serve this goal. Parachute jump towers are given highest priority.
Lu Zhouxiang, Fan Hong (2013). Page 83
The improvement of the physical is not restricted to scholars and students in 1954 an instruction is issued ‘to Engage in Sports Activities during Breaks’ "Cadres in government departments at all levels were required to undertake physical exercise for ten minutes in the morning and afternoon during working days. In the same year, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions issued its ‘Instruction to Promote Sports in Industrial factories to improve workers health …"
Lu Zhouxiang, Fan Hong (2013). Page 82


Literature Notes Documents...

Rogaski Ruth (2004). Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China. Page 290 Back
Gross, Miriam Dara (2010). Farewell to the god of plague: Chairman Mao’s campaign to deworm China. Page 45. She also remarks "All the doctors of whatever persuasion or nationality focused almost entirely on curative medicine, rather than preventive medicine. Preventive medicine brought in neither money, nor converts." Page 46 Back
Lynteris Christos (2013). The Spirit of Selflessness in Maoist China: Socialist Medicine and the New Man. Page 16. Yet Rogaski remarks ". In preparation for making the hospitals part of the state-owned public health network, the CCP sent cadres to take inventories of all the equipment and staff of each hospital. The Communists then secretly cultivated informants within the hospitals to collect information on any anti-CCP comments or appearance of any qin Mei (close with America) attitudes among hospital staff. 15 Communists were particularly suspicious of the political sentiments of Chinese physicians who had worked with foreigners." Rogaski (2004). Hygienic Modernity. Page 292 Back
Gross Miriam Dara(2016). Farewell to the god of plague: Chairman Mao’s campaign to deworm China. Page 92 Back
AnElissa Lucas (1980). Changing Medical Models in China: Organizational Options or Obstacles? Page 482 Back
"...various attempts were made to avoid the abstraction “westernization of Chinese medicine” and guarantee that the transformation was under a framework of “science” but not “Western.”" Liu Qing (2019). The cultural dilemma in the process of uniting Chinese and Western medicine from 1940 to 1950. Page 14 Back
Mao Zedong cited in Coussens Ann-Sophie (2008/9). Gezondheidszorg in Maoistisch China. Analyse van een Evolutie in het Licht van Wisselende Machtsverhoudingen. Page 26. Traditional Chinese doctors, each had their own (often secret) methods and had seldom contact with each other. Back
cited in Coussens (2008/9). Gezondheidszorg in Maoistisch China. Page 27. "The term “science” was used in opposition to feudalism and superstition, which is very different from the definition in Western contexts. In addition, various attempts were made to avoid the abstraction “westernization of Chinese medicine” and guarantee that the transformation was under a framework of “science” but not “Western.”" Liu Qing (2019). The cultural dilemma in the process of uniting Chinese and Western medicine from 1940 to 1950. Page 14 Back
Taylor Kim (2005). Chinese Medicine in Early Communist China, 1945-63 : A Medicine of Revolution. Page 30 Back
cited in Coussens (2008/9). Gezondheidszorg in Maoistisch China. Page 33 Back
Mao Zedong Criticism of the Ministry of Public Health. October 1953 Back
“Henceforth the most important thing is to ask practitioners of Western medicine to study Chinese medicine, and not for practitioners of Chinese medicine to study Western medicine. Firstly, we must transfer one to two hundred graduates of medical institutes or colleges, handing them over to some well-known doctors of Chinese medicine so that they can study their clinical experience. Furthermore, they should assume an attitude of great modesty in their studies. The study of Chinese medicine by practitioners of Western medicine is honourable. This is because through the studying and improving of Chinese medicine, the demarcation lines between Chinese and Western medicine can be discarded, to form one Unified Medicine of China, as a contribution to the whole world.” Taylor Kim (2005). Chinese Medicine in Early Communist China, 1945-63 : A Medicine of Revolution. Page 72 Back
Taylor (2005). Chinese Medicine in Early Communist China. Page 61 Back
"...some doctors of traditional medicine promoted a novel view of qigong therapy that conformed to the ideology of the new state, maintaining that ‘qigong therapy was born from the knowledge of the great working people but, unfortunately, was exploited by Buddhism and Daoism and cloaked in superstition and mystery’.35 Others simply obscured any religious connection by asserting that the origin of qigong could no longer be ascertained.36 In this way, qigong therapy was recognised by the state as part of traditional medicine." Otehode Utiraruto and Penny Benjamin (2016). Qigong Therapy in 1950s China. Page 78 Back
"...herbalists, bone-setters, snakedoctors, and those villagers who used folk methods to cure common illnesses, such as tumefaction, heat stroke, and stomach bulging. Usually, these practices were family traditions that had been passed down from previous generations, 9 and the people who practiced them were not considered medical professionals by their fellow villagers....In addition to folk healers, religious and supernatural healers were very popular." Fang Xiaoping (2008). From union clinics to barefoot doctors: healers, medical pluralism, and state medicine in Chinese villages, 1950–1970. Page 223 Back
19-03-1953 Mao Zedong "Resolve the Problem of the 'Five Excesses' Back
Gross (2016). Farewell. Page 79. She also mentions "The most blatant manipulation of labor and money was reserved for the prevention campaign. For snail elimination teams, in addition to withholding labor or calling people back after only a couple of days’ work, cadres often selected people with half labor power, such as the elderly; teenagers with a poor work record; and landlords, intellectuals, and others deemed bad or from reactionary political categories... " Page 85 Back
"However, posters never played anything but a supportive role and merely amplified visually what was conveyed through printed or broadcast media, through mass meetings and communal reading groups." Landsberger Stefan R. (2010). To spit or not to spit –Health and Hygiene Communication through Propaganda Posters in the PRC –A Historical Overview. Page 6 Back
The antisyphilis campaign is the first mass campaign. Syphilis is widely spread (tens of millions) particularly in minority regions (10% of the total). At the end of the era, syphilis is under control Back
Gross (2016). Farewell. Page 110 Back
claims to use energy forces to harmonize individuals with their surrounding environment. Back
Gross (2016). Farewell. Page 194 Back
For political and social historians, the accuracy of the charges is not as important as how these charges were used by the CCP leadership as a catalyst to push for domestic political reform in China, in particular, to create a highly politicized "Patriotic Health Campaign," which had a lasting and widespread impact that few social mobilizations could match. Yang Nianqun (2004). ‘Disease Prevention, Social Mobilization and Spatial Politics: The Anti-Germ Warfare Incident of 1952 and the ‘Patriotic Health Campaign. Page 156 Back
Yang (2004). Disease Prevention. Pages 169-170 Back
Rogaski (2004). Hygienic Modernity. Page 296 Back
Rogaski (2004). Hygienic Modernity. Page 297. Yang writes "In designing the process, women were specially targeted because they had more free time and could play an active role in informal community activities. In the Northeast, the anti germ-warfare movement initially organized women into special quarantine groups, which later expanded to include the elderly and children. 55 In a summary of its prevention work the municipal government of Shengyang, credited its success to women activists in various residential districts who organized into an "important force in the anti-epidemic work." 56 The party's newspaper lost no time to publicize stories of women 'health stars.'" Yang (2004). Page Page 174 Back
Yang (2004). Page 172 Back
Smith Steve A. (2006b). Local Cadres Confront the Supernatural: The Politics of Holy Water (Shenshui) in the PRC, 1949–1966. Page 1001. Those visitors include members of the CCP and communist youth league members. Page 1009. Often local cadres compromise with the local people because the fight against superstition has a low priority in comparising with grain requisition. Back
Yang (2004). Page 167 Back
Lynteris (2013). The Spirit of Selflessness in Maoist China. Page 12 Back
Guo Jiagang (2003). Schistosomiasis Control. Page 12 Back
Gross Miriam Dara (2010). Chasing snails : anti- schistosomiasis campaigns in the People's Republic of China. Pages xvi-xvii. Fan Kawai and Lai Honkei (2008) claim "More importantly, it was obvious that Mao, the Communist Party, and the central government had little interest in schistosomiasis prevention programs. Without their support,local governments could do very little. Although the disease was recognized as one of the most serious in eastern China in 1951 (Li 1958; Section of Health 1951), it was not listed as one of the “serious diseases harmful to people” in the government’s first five-year plan in 1953. The leaders of the central government did not appreciate the gravity of the disease,and Mao and the Ministry of Health never treated it as a national public health issue." Fan Kawai and Lai Honkei (2008). Mao Zedong’s Fight Against Schistosomiasis. Page 178 Back
Gross Miriam Dara(2016). Farewell to the god of plague: Chairman Mao’s campaign to deworm China. Page 25 Back
Gross (2010). Chasing snails. Page 478 Back
Berry-Cabán notices "Some of this research was of the standard fare: testing various molluscicides, from copper sulfate to Paris green and DDT; testing various antimony drugs for their therapeutic effects; surveying reservoir hosts; and searching for more reliable diagnostic methods. However, other aspects of this research such as finding methods of killing schistosome eggs in feces stored for fertilizers and testing native herbal drugs for their therapeutic and molluscicidal effects had a uniquely Chinese flavor. Berry-Cabán Cristóbal S. (2007). Return of the God of Plague: Schistosomiasis in China. Page 48 Back
Bu Liping (2014). Anti-Malaria Campaigns and The Socialist Reconstruction of China, 1950–80. Page 120 Back
Bu (2014). Anti-Malaria Campaigns. Page 125 Back
Oddly in 1953 the Hekou farm (a technological innovation place) was "...transformed into a new experimental field for rubber plantations to supply “communist” rubber to the Soviet Union." Shen Yubin (2017). Malaria and global networks of tropical medicine In modern China, 1919-1950. Page 229 Back
"On 18 December the CCPCC issued Luo Ruiqing’s ‘Concluding Report on the Nationwide Campaign to Eradicate Drugs’, marking an end to the campaign. During the campaign, police commentators assert that 345,463 drug users were registered, 82,056 people were arrested, 880 were executed and the balance punished with life imprisonment, fixed-term imprisonment, reform through labour or control,with a small number released" Biddulph Sarah (2007). Legal reform and administrative detention powers in China. Page 80 Back
"During the initial phase of drug prohibition underthc PRC, several major national and regional laws and decrees were issued. These included the 1949 Temporary Measures on Prohibiting Opium and Other Narcotic Drugs in the Huabei Region, the 1949 Temporary Measures on Prohibiting Opium Smoking in Suiyuan Province. The 1950 Decree on Banning Opium issued by the Executive Administrativc Ministry, the 1950 Measures on Completely Eradicating Opium issued by the Southwestern Military Government Committee, the 1951 Measures of Eradicating Opium Smoking in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, and the 1952 Directive on Prohibiting Opium and Other Narcotic Drugs issued by the Northeastcm People’s Government. Lu Hong, Miethe Terance D.& Liang Bin (2016). China's Drug Practices and Policies: Regulating Controlled Substances in a Global Context. Page 89 Back
Zhou Yongming (1999). Anti-drug Crusades in Twentieth-century China: Nationalism, History, and State Building. Rowman & Littlefield. Page 161 Back
Fortmann Richard (1976).The Politics of Drug Addiction: A Comparison of United States and Chinese Drug Policies since 1949. Pages 209-210 Back
Bale Jeffrey M. (2017). The Darkest Sides of Politics, II: State Terrorism, “Weapons of Mass Destruction,” Religious Extremism, and Organized Crime. Note 46 Back
Fang Xiaoping (2007). Bamboo Steamers and Red Flags: Building Discipline and Collegiality among China’s Traditional Rural Midwives in the 1950's. Page 2 Back
Fang Xiaoping (2007). Bamboo Steamers and Red Flags. Page 6 Back
Mao Zedong bankruptcy of idealist conception of history 16 September 1949 Back
"Six Hundred Million People - A Great Strength for Socialist Construction of Our Country." Renmin ribao (People's Daily). November 1, 1954 Beijing. Back
"An ancient Chinese peasant proverb says: If you are planning for one year, sow grain; if you are planning for ten years, plant trees; but when you are planning for a hundred years, grow men." Back
Liu Shaoqi states "Should China praise "heroic mothers" and encourage more births? No. We should not, and I don't think we should do it in future either; probably we can never do so.", but there are likewise no institution for birth control." 27-12 1954 Liu Shaoqi "Encourage birth control" Back
Scharping Thomas (2013). Birth Control in China 1949-2000: Population Policy and Demographic Development. Pages 30-31 Back
White Tyrene (2018). China's Longest Campaign: Birth Planning in the People's Republic, 1949–2005. Page 22 Back
White (2018). China's Longest Campaign . Page 23 Back
Craffey Maya (2018). Maternal Health and the Relaxation of the One-Child Policy in China, 2004-2015. Page 19 Back
White (2018). Pages 25-26 Back
Goldstein Joshua (1998). Scissors, Surveys, And Psycho-Prophylactics: Prenatal Health Care Campaigns And State Building In China, 1949-1954. Page 177 Back
Mao Zedong, “A Study of Physical Education” Back
Shuman Amanda G. (2014). The politics of socialist athletics in the People’s Republic of China, 1949-1966. Page 4. Broadcast calisthenics are sets of exercises broadcast on loudspeakers and designed for ordinary people to perform on a routine basis. Page 72 Back
Cited in Lu Zhouxiang, Fan Hong ( 2013). Sport and Nationalism in China Routledge. Page 80 Back
Soviet Union ended on the 2nd rank, after the US with 71 medals, 22 gold, 30 silver and 19 bronze. Back
Xu Guoqi (2008). Olympic Dreams China and Sports 1895–2008. Page 77 Back
Fan Wei , Fan Hong & Lu Zhouxiang (2010) Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre-and Post-Beijing 2008. Page 2383. 1st National Games is only being held in Beijing in 1959 Back
"25 to 50 percent of each monthly issue in the early 1950s to topics such as the structure of the Soviet system, Soviet tiyu theory, Soviet training methods, and successful Soviet athletes. "Targeting cadres and teachers in"physical education, athletes, and sports enthusiasts in the army, factories, and schools, this magazine published news stories about sporting events in the PRC, featured photographs of folk exercises, introduced athletics in other communist countries, and set up such columns as “exchange of pedagogies of physical education,” “short stories,” and “science of exercise and physiology.”" Lu Xiaoning (2011). Promote physical culture and sport, Improve the people’s constitution. Page 179 Back
Shuman (2014). The politics of socialist athletics. Page 68 Back
30-06-1953 Mao Zedong Speech on the Youth League Back
Xu Guoqi (2008). Olympic Dreams. Page 48 Back
Shuman (2014). The politics of socialist athletics. Pages 28-30 Back
cited in Hwang Dong-jhy (2002). Sport, Imperialism and Postcolonialism: A Critical Analysis of Sport in China 1860-1993. Page 116 Back
Hwang (2002). Sport, Imperialism and Postcolonialism. Page 117 Back
Shuman (2014). Pages 61-62 Back
Shuman (2014). Page 16 Back
Fan Hong & Lu Zhouxiang (2012) Representing the New China and the Sovietisation of Chinese sport (1949–1962). Page 9 Back
Xu (2008). Olympic Dreams Page 28. Remarkable: The sport of bodybuilding had been banned because of its bourgeois vanity in 1953 Back
Hwang (2002). Page 121 Back
Lu Zhouxiang, Fan Hong (2013). Page 83 Back
Lu Zhouxiang, Fan Hong (2013). Page 82 Back

Documents...

16-09-1949 Mao Zedong "Bankcruptcy of the idealist conception of histrory"
30-06-1953 Mao Zedong Speech on the Youth League
21-02-1954 Zhou Enlai Building physical fitness for the motherland
April 1912 Mao Zedong "A study on physical education"
03-04-1953 Instruction on Leadership Work of Health Departments of Military Commissions
October 1953 Mao Zedong Criticism of the Ministry of Public Health
27-12 1954 Liu Shaoqi "Encourage birth control"

Meetings....

26-10-1949 All-China Sport and Physical Education Congress

7-8-1950 - 18-08-1950: National Health Conference

25-07-1952 - 28-07-1952 National Drug Prohibition Work Meeting

01-12-1952 - 04-12-1952: 2nd national health conference

24-12-1953 - 28-12-193: 3rd national health conference

Continue to Article 49