Article 43 of the Common Program

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In 1949, there were 221 universities and colleges, mostly based on Western (US and European) examples and mainly located in the Eastern Area, of which 37 in Shanghai, 36 in Sichuan, Beijing 15, and in Jiangsu 15. These institutes had a total enrollment of around 117,000 students, approximately .002% of the population. The new government starts restructuring university education. The control over the universities is in the beginning the task of the Military Regulation Commission, they take possession of the buildings and take charge of the administration. The cost of maintenance and other expenses are taken care of. In 1953, only 182 of the 221 universities continued to exist and 14 of the 49 comprehensive universities remain. All private and missionary universities are reorganized or taken over. This reorganisation involves the transformation of old universities and colleges; the establishment of new special colleges; the concentration of personnel, facilities, and funds to form new colleges and departments. The idea behind this reorganization is specialization. Single-field engineering colleges prepared the students for more specialized disciplines than multi-field polytechnical universities. For example, In 1954, the major of railway engineering comprised four sub-majors: railway construction, railway lines and business, railway houses, and water supply and drainage of railways. Some even suggested adding two sub-majors under railway construction: railway location design and building. Specialization was highly esteemed. For instance, in 1954, when reviewing the teaching plan for majors such as railway engineering and railway, bridge, and tunnel design, the reform opted to eliminate unnecessary courses unrelated to the objectives and those not immediately required for current technology, such as thermal and electrical operation and automatic control in power engineering. Conversely, professional courses were to have increased study hours. For instance, to enhance the two specialized courses—water supply and drainage in railway engineering—the courses "railway location design" and "railway construction" were merged into "railway location design and construction," while "bridge and tunnel design" were included under "introduction to bridge and tunnel." This approach significantly strengthened professional courses to cultivate engineers equipped with specialized engineering knowledge and skills tailored for specific job roles.

Figure 43.1 shows an upward trend in North China and Northwest China, East and Southwest a downward trend, and Central and Northeast a more or less stable. "As a result, a large number of single-discipline based colleges were established, of which colleges of engineering and normal colleges occupied the majority. To be specific, there were 38 Natural Sciences and Technology, 33 Teacher Training Institutions, 29 colleges of Agriculture and Forestry Institutions, 6 Finance and Economics Institutions, 4 Political Science and Law Institutions, 8 Language and Literature Institutions, 15 Art Institutions, 4 Physical Culture Institutions, 3 Ethnic Nationality Institutions and 1 other institution" Two reasons can be mentioned for this change. The limitation of Western (capitalist and imperialist) influence on education. October 1, 1951, the GAC expressed it as follows: "A school system is the reflection of the development of production and science in a given society. . . . The school system of capitalist states is a reflection of capitalist production and serves the purpose of the monopolistic economy of the capitalist class. The school system of the socialist states is, on the other hand, a reflection of the ever-expanding socialist and Communist reconstruction. The school system of old China was an imitation of the system of capitalist states and reflected the reactionary ideology of landlords, bureaucrats, and the compradore class of semi-colonial semi-feudal society. It is opposed to the actual needs of the Chinese people. The laboring people had no privileges and no position in the culture and education of old China."
The other reason is more pragmatic, the need for specialists to build the country. These needs are concentrated on clothing, foods, housing, and transportation. The emphasis is on self-reliance. In 1939 Mao Zedong stated "The [Chinese Communist] revolution will not triumph without revolutionary intellectuals...Our army must take in large numbers of such intellectuals. We must convince worker-peasant cadres to accept and not be intimidated by them. Without the help of revolutionary intellectuals, peasants and workers will not improve their skills or knowledge. And we will not be able to rule the nation, the party, or the military. Our government and party offices as well as mass movements must also be set up to attract revolutionary intellectuals."

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An instrument to reach this goal of building a socialist economy is the on November 1, 1949, founded Chinese Academy of Sciences. (CAS as in real institute is founded in 1955). This is the result of the investigation Chen Boda made in October 1949 in the SU, where he explored the Soviet Academy of Sciences, the Russian system for planning scientific research, and the connection between science and technology. The Chinese Academy of Sciences incorporated the Academia Sinica (1928), consisting mainly of scientists who had studied in the United States, and the Beijing Academy (1929), consisting mainly of European-trained scientists. June 20-26 of 1950, the first Administrative Affairs Meeting of the Chinese Academy of Sciences was held in Beijing, it decided to focus on long-term based research plans. The CAS was both an academic and research institution and organization and a government department, responsable for administrative functions.

^{Academia Sinica 1928}
In addition to the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), which was modeled after the Soviet system, various ministries have established their own research academies. For instance, the Ministry of Health established the Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences in 1950 and the Chinese Academy of Traditional Chinese Medicine in 1955. Similarly, each industrial ministry established specialized research institutes and laboratories within numerous major industrial enterprises. Furthermore, the Ministry of Agriculture founded the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences along with research institutes for agricultural sciences in provinces. On March 8, 1954, the CCP clearly outlined that the State Planning Commission is tasked with evaluating the plans of the CAS, production departments, and higher education institutions concerning their scientific research. This evaluation aims to address challenges stemming from the integration of scientific research with production practices and issues related to assignment and collaboration in scientific research across all aspects. The CAS was no longer a government department.

About 60% of the associates of the CAS are former members of the Academia Sinica and Beijing Academy. Many intellectuals, scientists, and technologists had left the mainland during the turbulent period of 1933-1949. The CAS reckons the repatriation of these persons as one of their main tasks. This attempt results in the return of 2000 US trained scientists and engineers. For instance, Ye Xipei managed to evade detection by the US secret police and abduction attempts by the Hong Kong GMD at the start of 1950. Despite persuasive efforts from superiors urging him to remain, he steadfastly resigned from his post at the United Nations and directly fled to Hong Kong. Thanks to Premier Zhou Enlai's concern, his family eventually returned to Guangzhou. In 1955 of the 172 elected members of the CAS, 84 had a US academic background. Only 17 are CCP members. (19 CAS members had been chosen in the CPPCC National Committee of 1949 and 3 in the standing committee of the 1949 CPPCC) The selection for membership of the CAS is founded on three criteria: academic achievement, promotion of discipline, and loyalty to the people’s cause, with the first being the most important. Applicants for membership in the field of social science underwent political scrutiny to assess their adherence to socialism, support for the CCP, and the extent to which they applied Marxist principles in their research. These criteria were more rigorous than mere allegiance to the cause of the people. Ultimately the CCP approves the candidates.

"Due to needs of self-development and national construction, in view of experiences of Soviet Academy of Sciences, the Party Leadership Group of CAS decided to take the cultivation of scientific cadres as one of the central tasks and the cultivation of postgraduates as one of the focal points in 1953."

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The united front policy of the CCP during the civil war had ensured that many intellectuals had anti-GMD feelings (see also Part 3 ) and had a positive idea about the CCP, but they kept a wait-and-see attitude. Numerous students opted for active pro-CCP stances, with a considerable portion engaging in covert underground activities. Despite the nominal affiliation of Chinese universities with the established Nationalist government during the civil war era, the Communist party garnered substantial backing among university students. In particular, protests against America (and consequently, the GMD) on university premises between 1946 and 1947 played a pivotal role in diminishing public support for the Nationalists. The students persuaded professors not to follow the GMD regime in their withdrawal. Sometimes incentives like ration cards had been given to the professors. The CCP meticulously planned the assumption of control over universities, recognizing that the attitude of intellectuals, particularly students, following the capture of cities would greatly influence the regime's success. Mao Zedong himself directed that Yenching and Tsinghua universities be spared during the conflict, leading to the restraint of heavy weaponry in their immediate vicinity during battles. Military control committees were established by the party to facilitate the transition of civil administration in urban areas. In Beiping, a military control committee formed a subcommittee on culture on December 21, 1948. Led by Qian Junrui, an education specialist within the Party, who would soon assume the role of Deputy Minister of Education and head of the Party Committee in the Ministry, this subcommittee was organized into various sections focusing on education, literature and the arts, museums, and the press. Qian Junrui himself assumed responsibility for the education section.
In the early years of the People’s Republic, scientists enjoyed considerable respect. Following a prolonged period of social upheaval, they came to value the stability of the research environment. During this time, prior to the establishment of alternative scientific research platforms and frameworks, scientists from the Chinese Academy of Sciences served as the "seed" and "driving force" of scientific endeavors nationwide. The role of the intellectuals changes from an active force in the political arena to a passive group to be acted on.
Huang (1991) notices a decline in the number of professors in absolute numbers and percentages (1952: 30%, in 1953: 23%, and in 1954: 20%).

In 1949, there were two generations of engineers. The first generation of Chinese engineers, born during the late Qing Dynasty, pursued their studies abroad. This initial cohort primarily specialized in disciplines such as metallurgy, geology, railway engineering, and civil engineering. Following 1949, some of these engineers on the mainland emerged as a dominant force in socialist China, playing pivotal roles in the rapid construction efforts of the 1950s. However, their relationship with the CCP was marked by contradictions, and they were not fully trusted by the party following the country's ideological transition. Consequently, they became primary targets of suppression in various political movements. Despite Mao Zedong's remarks "Please be well aware that besides the manager and workers’ representative, the management committee must include technicians, engineers, and other employees. Such a committee must be a management committee under the system of overall responsibility by factory manager. Under any circumstances, besides the company director or manager who must be attached with great importance, the technicians, engineers and employees with sufficient knowledge and experiences must receive significant attention as well. If necessary, no matter how high the salary might be, they must be employed as well when it becomes possible, even if they are the members of the KMT ." The second group were born after the 1920’s and graduated before 1949, unlike the first generation they lacked the experience to work on big projects due to the civil war and Sino-Japanese war.
The recruitment of new engineers followed 3 paths, first to persuade GMD scientific and technological employees to stay.
Second, to persuade overseas students to return to the PCR, in 1950 there are about 5500 students studying abroad, 3500 studying in the US, 1200 in Japan, and more than 400 in UK. (In terms of majors, those that specialized in science, engineering, agriculture and medicine accounted for 70%). In 1949, the Ministry of Education created an office dedicated to welcoming overseas students returning to China. Additionally, the Culture and Education Committee under the GAC established a Committee for Managing the Return of Overseas Students. These organizations were tasked with coordinating return procedures, work arrangements, and other related matters for overseas students.
Third, to engage enrolled students who are about to graduate. In 1947, there are about 155000 enrolled students. (Engineering students were around 17% of the total). The number of engineers and technicians was far too low to realize the industralization plans of the new regime. To solve the shortage problem regular training programs are introduced. Starting in 1951 learning from the SU became the leading guideline. Sending students to foreign countries was a feasible method. No longer are the US, Japan, and UK chosen but SU and the socialist countries in Europe. In October 1951, there are 609 students studying in the Soviet Union. These include the following: 1). There are 375 new students. They are studying in 6 cities including Moscow, Leningrad, Kiev, Kazan, Saratov, Novocherkask; 2). Military students: 53 navy students in Leningrad; 30 Air Force students in Moscow. 3). There are 22 students from the Youth League, in Moscow. 4). The Northeast Industrial Internship Group has 88 students, scattered in Kuznetsk, Donbass and other factories. In 1954 there are 1375 Chinese students studying in the SU. In 1953, the Chinese government established guidelines for student selection and Russian language education. Nevertheless, political scrutiny remained the foremost criterion to guarantee students' steadfast commitment to communism. The provision of technical and professional training held utmost importance for the fledgling China, laying the groundwork for its future development and growth in subsequent decades.

See Article 35 about investments in several industrial segments.

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Directly after the take over, the CCP only changed the GMD ideology into communist thought at the universities. However, already in 1950 the period of laissez-faire was over. The western inspiration has to disappear and the SU is considered a new role model. An influential Russian-language learning periodical, "Russian" states Russian is the language of the proletariat, and English is the language of the capitalist. "The socialist Soviet Union has gained success with the most advanced theory of mankind, Marxist Leninism, and with a proletarian worldview and methodology. Whether in politics, economy, culture, science, art, and so on, it represents the most advanced ideas and techniques of mankind, strong evidence of its infinite potential for development. For this reason, all progressive countries of the world, all specialists and scholars who truly love their countries and their people, are ardently learning Russian. Without learning Russian, we cannot fully assimilate the most advanced ideas and techniques of mankind, we cannot become true scholars and specialists, nor can we do well in our own country’s revolutionary cause and reconstruction." In September 1951, the CAS, under the pressure of the CCP started a political reeducation program. The Korean War reinforces the anti-western feelings and scientists are pressed to discard ‘hostile feudal ideas’ and ‘bourgeois’ ideologies which are inspired by western educated researchers. (see Article 47)
Two outstanding cases of this SU influence are the founding of the Renmin University and the reconstruction of Harbin Institute of Technology (HIT ) in 1950. The Renmin University is based on the principle of ‘connecting teaching with practice, combining Soviet experience and Chinese circumstances.’ and “adopt advanced Soviet experience in development and invite Soviet professors to train all kinds of cadres for the construction of the new country.” It became a model for a completely new style of higher education for universities throughout the country.
The students of the Renmin university consisted mainly of CCP cadres or youth league members and workers who had distinguished themselves in political work and/or labor and production. The courses given are: Economic Planning, Factory Management, Finance-Credit, Cooperatives, Trade, Law, Diplomacy, and Russian. All students are required to follow lessons in Foundations of Marxism-Leninism, Dialectical and Historical Materialism, and Political Economy. Most of these teachings are given by SU specialists (in 1950: 37 SU). The connection between the SU and Chinese students led to numerous challenges. Issues at Renda University were not blamed on the experts but rather on certain Chinese individuals who displayed an arrogant demeanor and were reluctant to learn from Soviet instructors. Additionally, inadequate efforts were made by Chinese counterparts to familiarize Soviet experts with Chinese circumstances, along with challenges arising from Chinese translators. Consequently, the responsibility for fostering a productive relationship appeared to rest predominantly with the Chinese side, guided by the belief that Soviet experts were faultless. Measurements are taken to overcome these problems by criticizing conservatism or empiricism (in other words rejecting SU advice) and criticizing dogmatism (in other words considering SU advice as the ‘holy grail’). Pepper (1990) shows the pitfall "In this manner, the earlier much-criticized practice of relying wholly on unrevised Western teaching materials reproduced itself in the early 50s. Now, however, even the precise methods of instruction for each course were prescribed from Soviet practice." The Harbin Institute of Technology specializes in technicians for the heavy industry and relies mainly on Russian knowledge and experts. Renmin University and Harbin Institute of Technology were endorsed by the central government to adopt Soviet educational practices, positioning them as exemplars for the overhaul of Chinese higher education institutions. Annually, these universities hosted seminars conducted by Soviet professors, drawing participants from across the nation's educational landscape. Furthermore, numerous other universities were reorganized based on the successful models implemented at Renmin University and HIT. Consequently, Renmin University and HIT emerged as pioneering institutions in the transformation of Chinese higher education, following the Russian model.
In October 1954, the Ministry of Higher Education designated six national key universities, among which HIT was the only one outside Beijing. On October 24, 1952, the Resolution of Chinese Academy of Sciences on strengthening study and introducing the Soviet Union’s advanced science was adopted and the decision to organize a delegation to visit the Soviet Academy of Science for the purpose of studying their advanced experience in scientific work. This was the starting point for even more influence of Soviet science and technology and the increase of learning the Russian language. In February 1953, a delegation led by Qian Sanqiang paid a visit to the SU. The main purposes of the delegation were threefold to (1) learn how the SUorganized and led scientific research; (2) identify the status and trends of Soviet science; and (3) evaluate the prospects for Sino–Soviet scientific cooperation. The major institution that the delegation visits is the Soviet Academy of Sciences. After their return, the CAS increases the number of Russian reading courses, increases the number of delegations to the SU and invites more Soviet experts. The visit was not perfect, the delegation had limited understanding of Soviet science, especially their knowledge on defense and military technology. Meanwhile, the exchange of students starts, those students have to meet the following criteria for selection "(1) political loyalty; (2) academic record and potential; (3) family background; and (4) a social network that had no ‘political problem’.⁴⁵ After 1953, China held a nationwide test to select students for the Soviet Union, including a screening process that was extremely competitive."
CAS started to receive Soviet experts after the signing of the accord for technical and scientific cooperation in October 1954 in Beijing. This agreement covers the free exchange of technical resources, including technical and scientific reports, technical experts and aid, and the latest information about scientific and technologic results. Most experts are male, some are allowed to bring family. Their motivation to go to China varies in terms of adventure, luxury, and conviction. "With the formulation of the First Five-Year Plan (1953-1957), the Academy was reorganised with Russian assistance, slowly enlarged and expected to play a key role in the allocation of scientific resources." The scientific collaboration between the two nations held economic significance for both parties. Southern China, in particular, drew the interest of the Soviet Union due to its status as the sole extensive tropical region within the Eastern Bloc. In response to a specific request from the Soviet side, the Chinese government launched a substantial project focusing on the exploitation of tropical resources in southern China. This initiative encompassed comprehensive surveys of tropical biological resources led by the CAS with the involvement of Soviet scientists. Lac and rubber were the main tropical resources, in March 1953 the SU sent a delegation to explore the Region. Natural rubber remained a very popular and strategic product. In 1952, as a result of a series of treaties, agreements were made to offset the SU aid with the export of Chinese rubber. The SU had a severe shortage of rubber because of the embargo by the West. The main producer of natural rubber in the world then was the British colony of Malaysia. In the first 5 year plan, planting rubber trees on the island of Hainan is the 2nd largest program. The revenues are intended to pay off the SU loans.
Pepper (1990) notes not only the structure of the education system is copied from the SU but also the teaching material. "Also following the Soviet example, nationally unified teaching plans, syllabuses, materials, and textbooks were introduced for every academic specialty or major. The content was based on translations of Soviet equivalents, which were sometimes simply reproduced verbatim."
The growing influence of the SU had more drawbacks. Politics interfere increasingly in science, Soviet scientists are looked up and have more privileges, (See Article 59) and Chinese researchers are cut off from developments in other countries because the exchange of ideas with non-SU experts are forbidden, so are scientific books and magazines from the West. Due to their heavy reliance on Soviet assistance, heavy machinery enterprises focused excessively on construction, product replication, and the quantity, size, and presence of equipment. This emphasis led to a neglect of research, development, and technological innovation, resulting in a lack of momentum in advancing technological progress.

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Both before and after 1949, scientists endeavored to maintain their autonomy. The GMD government aimed for the sinification, standardization, and specialization of university curricula, while most professors advocated for greater freedom. Following 1949, the CCP sought control, leading to similar measures. Thus, when the CCP advocated for curriculum standardization and implemented mandatory political education courses and study groups to coordinate the political consciousness of educators grooming a new generation of socialist intellectuals, it came as little surprise—similar attempts had already been made under the exiled GMD government in Chongqing. From October 1949 on, all students of university departments of history, philosophy, education, economics, law, literature, and political studies have to take college on 1). Dialectical materialism and historical materialism (including a short history of social development) (first semester, 3 hours per week), 2). On New Democracy (including the history of modern Chinese revolutionary movements) (second semester, 3 hours per week), and 3). Politics and economics (starting from the second year of study for one total year of study, 3 hours per week).

One of these aspects of this policy, as seen above, is the banning of US influence. This had severe consequences for the departments of humanities and social science (sociology, political science, law). They are either reduced in scope or abolished altogether. Approximately four thousand scholars lost their jobs and are forced to find other work. The relocation of numerous pre-1949 intellectuals signified more than just a transition between institutions for them. While intellectuals initially retained a degree of academic freedom within universities during the early years of communist control, being able to exercise autonomy in teaching and research while maintaining their authority as professors, they now found themselves stripped of this institutional refuge. This loss hindered their ability to pursue their personal interests. Additionally, they were compelled to participate in the ideological reform campaign in late 1951. Those with "black" family backgrounds and Western-trained intellectuals were particularly targeted, being required to undergo a series of criticism and self-criticism sessions aimed at purging them of bourgeois influences. The CCP encountered difficulties in controlling the universities, because they lacked cadres with sufficient education, and most of the cadres had not even completed secondary school.The seniority within the party, determined by the year of joining and revolutionary credentials, played crucial roles in deciding the rank and position of a Communist cadre. Consequently, the majority of cadres were older individuals with limited formal education. Therefore, during the first years of the new regime, academics are still able to write articles on all kinds of subjects, as long as they claim an affinity with Marxism-Leninism and its methods, dialectical and historical materialism. In 1941, Mao Zedong warned against this behaviour. "Although we are studying Marxism, the way many of our people study it runs directly counter to Marxism. That is to say, they violate the fundamental principle earnestly enjoined on us by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, the unity of theory and practice. Having violated this principle, they invent an opposite principle of their own, the separation of theory from practice. In the schools and in the education of cadres at work, teachers of philosophy do not guide students to study the logic of the Chinese revolution; teachers of economics do not guide them to study the characteristics of the Chinese economy; teachers of political science do not guide them to study the tactics of the Chinese revolution; teachers of military science do not guide them to study the strategy and tactics adapted to China's special features; and so on and so forth. Consequently, error is disseminated, doing people great harm."
A conflict emerged between assertive CCP cadres and those advocating a more moderate approach. The militant faction contended that professors couldn't be relied upon due to their bourgeois origins and advocated for stringent measures against them. Conversely, the moderates differentiated between anti-CCP conduct and bourgeois ideologies. They believed that since most professors were not antagonistic toward the CCP and their knowledge was beneficial, the party should collaborate with them and allow them to gradually shed their bourgeois beliefs through personal efforts in ideological transformation. During the early 1950s, public institutions in education, culture, and hygiene encountered several hurdles, including an overabundance of staff, excessive personnel, a high ratio of administrators, stringent criteria for infrastructure construction, low utilization of facilities, and financial wastage. Therefore, it became imperative to regulate staff numbers and establish quotas for facilities. The most frustrating and significant disruptions to research were not primarily caused by the excessive number of mandatory meetings or additional administrative tasks. Rather, scientists were greatly annoyed by the perceived superiority, exclusivity, hostility, and lack of trust exhibited by party members towards specialists and their work. Party members generally lacked comprehension or empathy for research, which continued to be a source of irritation for scientists. Upon closer examination of the intelligentsia as a class, it becomes apparent that they were notably distinct from the typical party member in terms of both background and perspective.

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The introduction of Lysenkoism in the People's Republic of China is exemplary for the consequences of the 'rucksichlos' introduction of Soviet ideas. Lysenko did experimental research on improved crop yields. Stalin backed his studies because due to the famine and loss of productivity resulting from forced collectivization in the 1930s, his projects seemed promising. Lysenko rejects the ideas of Morgan whose ideas are internationally accepted. In the context of "learning from the SU” 'Morganism’ is rejected in the People's Republic of China and Lysenko’s report “The situation in biological science” is translated in 1949 and is considered mandatory in biology departments of the universities. Several SU biologists (followers of Lysenko) are invited to teach in China. Lectures which treat the ideas of Mendel, Weismann, and Morgan are forbidden and labeled “bourgeois,” “reactionary,” “idealistic,” “metaphysical,” and “pseudoscientific.” The SU encouragement of Michurin is a key element in the promotion of the “Sino-Soviet Friendship”. It is the showcase of SU science. This scientific approach of agriculture is considered a way to produce a surplus to finance the heavy industry (see Article 35) and as a way to pay back the SU loans (see Article 55).
In 1952, the CCP issued a total ban on Western biology related to genetics. "Science produced by and practiced in a bourgeois-capitalist society could only be idealist, formalistic, metaphysical. Only science that evolved out of a socialist society, like Lysenko’s biology, was valid. This class approach to science judged classical genetics with particular harshness. Geneticists were decried for the isolation of their laboratories from nature and production. Their concept of the gene was condemned as a mere figment of bourgeois idealism." The new theory is introduced at new agricultural schools in Northeast China and spreads via major agricultural schools and research institutes all over the country. The CCP is convinced that Michurinist biology would increase agricultural production for the forthcoming first Five Year Plan; whereas, western genetics had no practical value. This violent introduction of Michurinist biology provokes much criticism from scientists. In an editorial of the Renmin Ribao of June 29, 1952, the CCP states his opinion. It is an attempt to restore the relation with Chinese scientists and to uphold the SU theory. "A good Marxist-Leninist takes different approaches to politics and to science; so it is therefore thoroughly inappropriate to generalize and say that all of the ‘‘old biology’’ is idealist, reactionary, in service to the bourgeoisie, or fascist." and the newspaper concluded "In the new China, Morgan is not wanted; Michurin is." It takes two more years before the first Chinese translations of SU critics, are distributed in People's Republic of China, and in December 1954 the Science Gazette (CAS magazine) circulates the debates nationwide. Despite the emergence of increasingly critical comments from the Soviet Union within the PRC, censorship and strict control effectively prohibited the press from publishing any translated material from Soviet publications that criticized Michurinist biology until late 1954. During this period, there were frequent public reprimands targeting biologists for allegedly contravening the Party's endorsement of Michurinist biology. Some of these reprimands were notably intense, often reaching near-hysterical levels, and gradually diminished over months and even years. Offenders were subjected to re-education sessions, and their publications deemed offensive were removed from circulation and destroyed. Not only the ideas of Morgan are banned, even the ideas of Einstein are questioned. In 1947, the Renmin Ribao called Einstein “the world’s most renowned progressive scientist” and applauded his protest against U.S. militarism. Under the influence of the SU this opinion changes and in 1953 Einstein’s interpretation of relativity is condemned. After the death of Stalin, this opinion changes again with the acceptance of relativity and other scientific contributions of Einstein, but he is still criticized for his confusing and idealist worldview.
The organization of majors at Soviet universities significantly influenced the academic structure at Tsinghua University, sometimes overlooking China's actual industrial development needs. For instance, the civil engineering department suggested creating a major in edaphology to train engineers specializing in the foundations of buildings and hydraulic structures. However, since the Soviets didn't offer this major, the proposal was rejected. Similarly, majors in watershed planning, watercourse management, and town planning faced the same fate. The town planning major was intended to develop expertise in urban planning and building design, but it was also declined due to the absence of a similar program and teaching plans in the Soviet system. Despite this influence, Soviet experts' suggestions were not always decisive; for example, a radio engineering major was established at Tsinghua University, despite repeated objections from Soviet experts in the Ministry of Education and later from a consultant to the university's principal.
The notion that the "today of the Soviet Union is the future of China" once instilled in countless Chinese people a promising outlook for the future. The national policy of "leaning to one side" during the Cold War era led China to blindly idolize the Soviet Union and Soviet experts. In 1954, when Soviet experts assisted China in managing the Yellow River construction planning, they proposed that conserving water and soil and preventing mud could clarify the river. However, Russia did not have rivers with the same level of silt as the Yellow River in China. The Chinese people possessed unparalleled insight into the advantages, disadvantages, and challenges of water control on the Yellow River. Yet, one statement from Soviet experts spurred immediate action to clear the river, leading to unprecedented decisions. For instance, although the Japanese and the GMD had previously discussed the Sanmenxia dam project, and it had been studied post-liberation, no decision had been made to proceed. However, upon hearing that Soviet experts deemed it feasible, the decision was swiftly made. Unfortunately, the project encountered significant issues shortly after its completion due to design flaws, necessitating reconstruction, which underscored grave errors in the initial decision-making process.

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On October 1, 1951, The People's Republic of China adopted the gaokao system (the National College Entrance Exam). It is mostly taken by senior high school graduates and their final score decides in which kind of college or university they can be registered at. Before this time, each university had its own admission procedure. With the introducing of the nationwide gaokao system the centralization of the entrance examinations is completed. "However, the situation was still somewhat fragmented …, since the tests were not standardized. Moreover, their centralization was only partial, because universities continued to take entrance examinations according to their own requirements" Graduated students with diplomas from any public or private senior secondary school, senior normal schools, secondary technical schools, and senior vocational schools can make an application for taking part in the examinations. Taylor (1973) remarks "In 1954 nine examination subjects were named: the national language, political general knowledge, a foreign language (English or Russian), mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology, history and geography.⁶⁶ In addition to the compulsory subjects of national language, political knowledge, and a foreign language,⁶⁷ the examinations were divided into two parts. Those applying for entry in the Sciences, engineering, medicine, agriculture and forestry specialties were examined in mathematics, physics, chemistry, and biology. Candidates in the humanities, political Science and law, and finance and economics were to be tested in history and geography.⁶⁸" and he continues the political examination is designed to discover personal opinions on particular current issues. The essay topic is awarded for its ideological content and has to have a political subject. For example, in 1953 the essay subject was ‘Recalling a revolutionary cadre whom I have known’ However, cadre members from the People's Liberation Army and other administrative units who were already undergoing supplementary courses are also granted admission. This stands out as one of the unique features that carries a pronounced transitional essence. These individuals only sat for entrance examinations in the subjects covered by the supplementary courses. If they passed, they were given priority placement in universities. Similarly, industrial workers, revolutionary cadres, ethnic minority students, and overseas Chinese students could expect some leniency in admissions.
Soviet advisors introduced the Workers-Peasant Accelerated Middle Schools. On April 3, 1950, the first Workers-Peasant Accelerated Middle School was opened, it was part of the Beijing University. Its purpose was to prepare children of workers and peasant background to study at universities. The courses have a length of 3 to 4 years. These schools are seen as a remedy to reduce the US influence and break the resistance against the new social order in universities. Besides, it should give children of workers and peasants the possibility to study in universities. The students had to be sons and daughters of outstanding worker-peasant cadres or workers who had participated in the revolution or industrial workers with experience. They had to be not older than 35 and in excellent health. At the end of 1950 twenty-four schools are founded and in 1954 there are 87 schools with 51.000 students. Only 0,4% have a peasant background. Workers-Peasant Accelerated Middle Schools are not a success, their academic standard is low and therefore are unable to raise the number of worker-peasant child students at universities. Two reasons can be mentioned, first, the low educational level of the the students who enrolled in the Workers-Peasant Accelerated Middle Schools, partly because 'retired' revolutionaries are sent to these schools as a reward for past services. Secondly, local authorities were reluctant to send qualified students because they feared they would not return to their villages.

The admission committee allocated the students who have passed the examination. Three criteria play a role in the decision: the needs of national construction, the preferences of the students, and the standard of students at the institutions. The level of performance during the examinations is the most important criterion for those with the same preference.

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At the same time of the introduction of the gaokao system, the GAC takes the decision to ensure each graduate an assignment. See also Article 6. Students were admitted at no cost and received stipends during their studies. Upon graduation, they were required to accept job placements from the state as their lifelong careers. This arrangement was commonly referred to as the "iron rice bowl," symbolizing the permanence of their employment, regardless of position or location.
In 1951, the Shanghai administration decided to implement the unified allocation of jobs for university graduates. After one month of political courses, those graduates have to accept assignments anywhere in China. In 1952, more than 6000 Shanghai university graduates are sent to other parts of the mainland. Several of them departed for work in Northeast China near the Korean front. When the first five-year plan (1953-1957) began to pump money into less developed inland Regions, economic justifications and material incentives could be offered to induce educated people to leave Shanghai. As a result, the moral campaign became somewhat less necessary. In 1953, the unified job assignment is extended across the nation. Although some students still try to choose their own job or reject the assigned one. On August 7, 1952, an editorial of the Renmin Ribao warns those students acting according personal wishes or preferences and to accept jobs at the frontier or a position as a teacher.

"Between December 1949 and December 1952, the number of state employees in the fields of education and medicine grew by 280,000, those in banking by 40,000, and those in government and party administrative offices (jiguan) by 27,000"

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The dissemination of knowledge is not only limited to universities and other programs but also through the publication and circulation of scientific books. In 1950, there are 10 categories: social science, philosophy, history, geography, language, art, literature, natural science, and applied science. The most numerous books are social science books on Maoism-Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism and on domestic mass movements (Resist America Aid Korea)

After 1952, the number of books on social science and technology increases. On October 12, 1951, the first volume of the selected works of Mao Zedong are published. This volume contains 16 articles written between 1926 and 1937. The second volume is published on April 10, 1952 and contains 41 articles written between 1937 and 1941. At the end of 1952, more than 3 million copies are printed. The third volume, containing 36 articles written between 1941 and 1945, is published on April 10, 1953. In 1953, the CCP decided to set up a special bureau for the translation of the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. Hu Qiaomu wrote in 1951 "Thirty Years of the Chinese Communist Party", which had a circulation of more than 7 million in 10 years. In 1952, several books are published on economic issues (e.g., Coal Mines of the Kailan Mining Administration, Treaty Ports, and Concessions) covering the period between 1900 and 1950.

One problem is still not mentioned, a problem in existing science books and translated ones, the lack of unification of scientific and technological terms. "Chinese sci-tech translators have always attached great importance to the standardization and unification of technical terms. At the beginning of this century,an organization was established for the examination and approval of scientific and technological terms consisting mainly of translated words. Since the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has strengthened terminological study and formulated principles and policies concerning the unification of scientific and technological terms."

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Chapter 5 of Common Program

• Road to Common Program
• Common Program
• Bibliography
• Documents