Article 49 of the Common Program
Text
Article 49 of the Common Program

Freedom of reporting truthful news shall be safeguarded. The utilization of the press for slander, for undermining the interests of the state and the people and for provoking world war shall be prohibited. The people's radio and publication work shall be developed. Attention shall be paid to publishing popular books and journals beneficial to the people.




Media ....

In 1948 Liu Shaoqi informs representatives of the media, the CCP has nothing to fear but its detachment from the people. Among the party's links with the people, journalism is key. "You travel to all locations. The people depend on you to give voice to their demands, difficulties, experiences and even describe mistakes in our work. You turn them into news, features, and reports to Party Committees at various levels, and to the Central Committee. In this way, you make a connection between the Party and the masses."
cited in Zhao Yuezhi (1989). Between the party line and the bottom line: reform, commercialization, and democratic prospects for news media in China. Page 52
In fact an important task of the press is gathering intelligence for the party. A part of these articles appear in the form of internal reference news specially for the high strata of the party bureaucracy.
In a 1953 Party directive, the Party Central Committee instructed journalists from the Xinhua News Agency and Party newspapers to write internal reference material in areas such as: situations and sensitive problems in the implementation of Party policies, especially difficulties, deviations, mistakes and shortcomings that are important for the leadership to know; the political thinking of all types of people, their opinions on important domestic and international events, heir difficulties in their daily life and work, their opinions of the leadership, detailed information on natural disasters, the activities of counter-revolutionaries, and so on. Zhao (1989) Page 53-54
These classified publications can be divided into three major categories. The first consists of publications circulated only within the Party. The second consists of publications circulated within administrative organs, in such fields as military affairs, the judiciary, agriculture, commerce, education, transport and so on, as well as in government administrative bodies. The third category consists of publications circulated among Party and Youth League cadres, and other reliable groups and persons.
Plettenberg Christa von (1968). The press of the People's Republic of China History, Function,Operational and Organisational Patterns ( up to 1965 ) University of Hong Kong master thesis Page 81

Four important directives from the CCP define the media policy of the PRC. The first one is issued on October 30, 1949. It states: decisions, resolutions or circulars of an administrative nature should no longer be issued in the name of the Chinese Communist Party as sometimes practiced in the past. "The articles in the press of the party should be written with persuasive manner by summons, suggestions and advisories. In other words, the function of the party’s press is to persuade people to follow the CPC policy."
Li Nan (2007). Media Politics How is the media agenda of Chinese television set by the state, market, and civil society ? PhD. thesis University of New South Wales Page 66

The second decision is made on November 11, 1949. It points out: "..news articles written by journalists must be pre-examined by leader of concerned government department or social organization, or individuals from whom the news collected. After the news article was pre-examined, it should be better to be endorsed by those concerned parties, and then the article could be handed over to editorial office of the press. ...It emphasized that the parties taken part in this process of pre-examination included those non-party leaders or well-known nonpartisans"
Li (2007) Media. Page 90. Li continues: "It firstly disciplined the journalists of the CPC press to respect the work and opinions of non-communist party members, especially those well known figures working for the government, in a New-democratic Revolution period. Secondly, it disciplined journalist of private owned media to do their reports under the supervision of the CPC and government agencies." Page 91
This desicion is revoked April 19, 1950 stating: "This sort of rule, under the conditions that it was inconvenient to investigate during the war period, has avoided many criticism that did not completely conform to reality and that were inconsiderate, but continuing to adopt this sort of rule under the present conditions nevertheless does more harm than good, and is incorrect."
Document: 19-04-1950 Decision concerning Launching Criticism and Self-Criticism in Newspapers
On July 17, 1950 the Politburo issues a new document concerning criticism. This time, the importance of criticizing and self-criticizing on newspaper is re-emphasized, "...the editorial office must take full responsibility ……the stance and opinion of criticizing must be correct, every step must follow the CPC principle, decision of Central Committee of the CPC, and guidance of the CPC committees at various levels”
Li (2007) Media. Page 91-92
In other words the party and the state therefore resumed its power of pre-censorship over the press.
On August 27, 1952 the party decides that, only the
Xinhua
Xinhua News Agency (New China News Agency) is the official state-run press agency of the People's Republic of China. Founded in 1931. The agency is located in Beijing,
and the Renmin Ribao (People’s Daily) can issue reports and comments on international current affairs. Local media can only report ceremonial activities of foreign official visits in local area. The purpose of this directive is twofold. It wanted to control and unify the media reports on international issues and to "...prevent the introduction of any uncensored and decentralized contents that might contain capitalist ideology and Western life style and thus endanger domestic stability. Secondly, it wanted to control the influence of international reports on overseas readers, which is crucial for the new government in dealing with international affairs."
Li (2007) Media. Page 67

The fourth decision is made In March 1953 when the CCP instructs the political propaganda department of Guangxi province that “Yishan Farmers Newspaper”, a local party’s press is not allowed to criticize the CPC committee of Yishan. The instruction declares "...as an internal discipline that the editorial policy of any press should not be contradictory to the policy of the party and the state agencies at the same or higher administrative level, while the party and the state agencies can do self-criticizing in the press that is under its leadership. Thanks to this policy, all members of the central government of the party and the state are automatically immune from public scrutiny and criticism by Chinese media.
Li (2007) Media. Page 67
In other words the party-run newspapers are not free in stating what the Chinese people do or feel. Only the central party leaders have this right exclusively. Quit often the provincial press is criticized for overstepping its boundaries. Schoenhals (1994) remarks "One unintended and perplexing consequence of the CCP Center's criticism of the media for voicing opinions on behalf of the People "in general" was that it became safer for journalists and editors to represent the sinister essence of what China's non-People, rather than China's People, did or felt. Domestic "running-dogs of imperialism" had no agents who protested a misrepresentation or falsehood attributed to them" He also notices "A second practice that disturbed the CCP Center was when journalists neglected to mention the role of the Party when discussing the achievements of individual representatives of the People. In a 1954 self-criticism produced by the editorial board of the Inner Mongolia Daily, this practice was attributed to a failure on behalf of the staff concerned to realize that the individual 'can accomplish nothing in isolation from the leadership of the Party and the power of the collective.'"
Schoenhals Michael (1994)."Non-People" in the People's Republic of China: A Chronicle of Terminological Ambiguity. Pages 5-6


Newspapers Magazines ....

In his talks with newspaper editors on April 2 1948, Mao Zedong clearly states the role of the press: "One of the methods is that we must fully utilize newspapers. Running newspapers well, running newspapers in a way that fascinates people, correctly propagating the Party principles and policies through newspapers, strengthening the connection between the Party and the masses through newspapers, is an issue that cannot be belittled in Party work, and that has a major principle significance… “The role and power of newspapers consists in their ability to bring the Party program, the Party line, the Party's general and specific policies, its tasks and methods of work before the masses in the quickest and most extensive way."
Document: Mao Zedong Talk with the Editors of the Jinsui Daily 2 april 1948
In the period of the first United Front policy (see part 1) the CCP published besides labour and peasant journals also youth and women journals "From the very beginning, therefore, the Party established a news media structure that consisted of both Party organs and non-party media outlets that were nevertheless under its leadership."
Zhao (1989) Page 31
In May 1949 the CCP leaders talk with several editors of independent published newspapers,
Wang Yunsheng
Wang Yunsheng (1901-1980) chief editor Ta Kung Pao (Shanghai)
and
Xu Zhucheng
Xu Zhucheng (1907-1991) Chief editor Wenhui Bao (Shanghai)
,
Pu Xixiu
Pu Xixiu (1910 ~ 1970) Deputy editor-in-chief Wenhui Bao (Shanghai)
and
Chu Anping
Chu Anping (1909-1966) Chief editor Guancha (Shanghai)
. The political leaders assured them that China needs privately owned newspapers because it still needed to gain support from these newspapers, which were still influential among the Shanghai urban population. The party lacked expierence in making newspapers for the urban population. Until 1949 they had only published for cadres, soldiers and peasants.
The seizure was a difficult task for the new leaders because on the one hand they wanted control, on the other hand they had to separate their policy from the GMD censorship, which they had criticized firmly before 1949. See also Part 4. But nobody is fooled: the titles (of these newspapers) are only maintained after big rearrangements. Besides political supervision, there is economic control; all the printing factories, paper supplies and magazine circulation organisations are controlled by official publication agents. The newspapers are put on a basis of financial self-sufficiency. The 'private' newspapers have a serious financial crisis in the first several years, and have to rely heavily on government subsidies and government-approved loans. The distribution of the newspapers is since 1952 in its entirety in the hand of the Post Office. "Remote areas with inadequate transportation facilities were poorly served, if at all. Villagers never received the papers to which, often, they had been forced to subscribe: or else they received them very late."
Plettenberg (1998). The press of the People's Republic of China. Page 99

Ultimately the party decides which articles are to be exchanged and which experiences are to be promoted or condemned.
A description of the takeover of the Shanghai Evening Post is to be found in: Gould Randall (1951). Shanghai during the Takeover, 1949 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science , 277, Report on China, pp. 182-192
Due to the amount of illiterate people in China, the Conference of Newspapermen made in 1950 the decision to establish collective reading groups to spread news all over the country. Collective reading groups can for instance be found in industrial enterprises, schools, religious meeting points, army, prisons and groups of housewives.
Plettenberg (1998) remarks "Attendance is described "voluntary", but is in reality an obligation. And it is one of the first duties of every propaganda, news and educational worker to organize such reading groups. 1) Despite newsprint shortage, distribution bottlenecks, illiteracy, and even such problems as a shortage of lamp oil, a vast proportion of the Chinese people can be reached by the press. 2) Discussions force participants to actively concern themselves with whatever is presented. 3) Selection of reading material provides an additional check on the flow of information. It gives the Party an opportunity to concentrate on primary issues to the exclusion of secondary issues which might confuse and distract the less educated and less advanced elements."
Plettenberg (1998). Page 113
Before the PLA took over an area, the local underground CCP branch judged and catalogued all the local media so that the local administration could swiftly deal with them as soon as they had control of the area. In Shanghai the party categorized the newspapers into 3 political groups not economic (private or public): the reactionary press, middle of the road and progressive media. Controlling the media industry is seen as a "class struggle tool". The result of this screening in Shanghai is, that between May and June 1949 of the existing 244 press agencies and journals only 44 receive an accreditation. The Shanghai Press and Publication Bureau substantiates their decision: "They actually served the reactionaries by being their propaganda tools. Some continue to publish under the guise of progressive or neutral positions so that they can try to maintain a reactionary propaganda base, but they had already committed too many sins against the people before 1949"
cited in Ying Du (2014). Shanghaiing the Press Gang: The Maoist Regimentation of the Shanghai Popular Publishing Industry in the Early PRC (1949-1956). Page 98
",…most of the foreign media and journalists, according to orders from the (Military Administration Committee) MAC, had to stop all publications. 94 In addition, the MACs only allowed some selected foreign publications and news agencies inside these areas to operate for the benefit of CCP public propaganda on the international scene, in terms of exporting its influence outside."
Shao Jiang (2011). Minkan in China: 1949–89. Page 50
The number of mainland magazines is reduced from 1848 in 1945 to 295 in 1950. Many reporters and editors, who worked before 1949, are arrested and sometimes killed. All freelance journalists and publishers have to work in workplaces CCP controlled. To further tighten the control, the CCP introduced the Thought Reform campaign (see article). The campaign is introduced in the Shanghai media industry on August 21 and ended on October 21, 1952. Mostly, personnel from editorial and management departments of the privately owned newspapers were major participants of the campaign. The mass campaigns, such as the Thought Reform, turned out to be an effective way to coerce the shareholders of the privately owned newspapers to give up their shares to the government, and coerce the privately owned newspapers to be transformed into joint management. … Consequently, after the Thought Reform, those remaining privately owned newspapers, such as Wenhui bao and Xinmin bao, were transformed into joint public and private management by the end of 1952.
Zhang Jishun (2010). Thought reform and press nationalization in Shanghai : The Wenhui Newspaper in the early 1950’s. Page 25. Zhang notices: "... the individuals most affected by thought-reform and the restructuring of the media industry were middle and lower level employees. State officials put the weapon of democracy into these people’s hands and encouraged them to push the great reporting and accusation campaign to its height, only to drive the majority of those individuals out of the media industry." Page 79
Chin(2013) concludes "The nationalization of the Shanghai newspaper industry went through a gradual process from the initial takeover in 1949 to the transformation of the remaining privately owned newspapers into joint public and private management (...), which completed the nationalization of newspapers by late 1952. The pattern of both the initial takeover and the nationalization process from 1949 to 1952 demonstrated that the relatively successful nationalization by the CCP was a combined result of both the gradual expansion of state control over privately owned newspapers since the wartime period and the CCP’ s coercive measures through mass campaigns, such as the Thought Reform (...)."
Chin Sei Jeong (2013). The Historical Origins of the Nationalization of the Newspaper Industry in Modern China: A Case Study of the Shanghai Newspaper Industry, 1937—1953. Page 15. Chin also remarks "In comparison with the nationalization of other industries, which was completed later in 1956, the Shanghai newspaper industry's nationalization was completed much earlier, in late 1952. .., the CCP emphasized the political importance of the press in the revolutionary process, and this explains partially why the nationalization of the Shanghai newspapers was completed earlier than that of other industries" Page 20
Special interest papers for youth, workers and government departments (Health News from the ministry of Health) are published. 2 newspapers, the Guangming Ribao and the Wenhui Bao are published by the Minzhu Dangpai (the 8 democratic parties) and are considered as integral parts of the socialist press system in the People's Republic. See Table Newspapers Not all newspaers are listed in this table. "By 1954, in addition to 151 Party organs, there were seventeen worker's newspapers, twenty-three farmers newspapers, seventeen youth and juvenile papers, fourteen specialized trade newspapers, and fifteen newspapers published by social organizations and other political parties."
Zhao (1989) Between the party line. Page 37

Radio....

The fate of private commercial radio stations can be compared with the destiny of the commercial newspapers. In early 1950 there are 33 private radio stations, at the end of 1953 all are gone. Instead a network of controlled radio stations is established. From 1950 onwards a rediffusion network is started and within a year 51 stations with 2200 loudspeakers are installed. The emphasis in developing this rediffusion network is due to the lack of radios in the rural areas and it is above all an inexpensive way to reach the rural population. The broadcast programs are easy to control and interception by foreign adversaries is almost impossible.

Overseas propaganda ....

The CCP takes immediately control over the foreign publishers. All ‘capitalist’ journalists have to go " and only selected foreign publications and news agencies (are allowed) inside these areas to operate for the benefit of CCP public propaganda on the international scene, in terms of exporting its influence outside. In such cases, the CCP then imported the reports to strengthen its propaganda effects inside. For example, four journalists from foreign countries were allowed to report on the celebration of the establishment of the PRC: one journalist was from the USSR, one from Italy (L’Unità), and two from North Korea95 "
Shao (2011). Minkan in China: 1949–89 Page 50
In 1942 Mao Zedong criticizes the stereotypical writing style in the newspapers and emphasizes the need to write in simple and clear style. "Yet, most of the time, foreign language media relied on excessive usage of Marxist-Leninist phrases, which made its messages understandable only by those who were already familiar with this terminology. This was a major problem because the PRC's foreign propaganda media mainly targeted "middle elements" 171 abroad rather than leftist circles…"
Cagdas Ungor (2009). Reaching the distant comrade: Chinese communist propaganda abroad (1949-1976). Page 55-56
On the other hand Volland (2003) notes ".. the Party’s ultimate goal is to achieve control over the media through the establishment of a fixed register of meaning that makes dissent all but impossible. Ideally, heterodox ideas can not be expressed because the proper linguistic means to do so do not exist. In its most extreme form, the formalized and sterile bureaucratic language of the PRC has become known as “Mao style” (Mao wenti 毛文体). "
Volland Nicolai (2003). The control of the media in the People’s Republic of China. Page 223
The Foreign Language Press (FLP) and Radio Peking are the most important foreign language agencies. The staff of the FLP grows from 110 people in 1949 to 443 in 1953. The Radio Peking staff grows from 34 people to 214 in 1956. In January 1950 the People's China publishes its first volume. It starts in English later followed by Russian, Japanese, Chinese, French and Indonesian editions. In its first issue, the twice-a-month magazine proclaimed: "This is a journal dedicated to cementing unity and friendship between the Chinese people and the progressive people of all lands and to the cause of the lasting peace and people’s democracy. Through its pages, we intend to inform our readers, twice a month, of the thought and life of the China that has freed herself from the clutches of domestic reactionaries and the yoke of foreign imperialists,—that is, the people’s China."
People's China January 1, 1950. Volume 1,1. Page 3
In January 1951, a monthly magazine, China Pictorial, starts publishing in English, but unlike People’s China, it is distributed in Chinese to domestic readers in July 1950, as well as in Mongolian, Tibetan, Uighur and Russian. Later on editions in five other languages are published.
Lazarick (2005) notices "Bad news is missing. In the magazines, villagers confront landlords in struggle sessions, but the landlords are re-educated or flee from the scene; they are almost never beaten to death or executed, as happened to perhaps tens of thousands. The failures in the implementation of the 1950 Marriage Law are not disregarded, but they are considerably downplayed compared to the gruesome detail offered in domestic Chinese media. The smaller campaigns of the Three Antis and the Five Antis against bureaucratism and rightists receive some attention, but the editors do not tell the foreign readers what happened to the targets."
Lazarick Leonard W. (2005). China’s smiling face to the world: Beijing’s English-language magazines in the first decade of the People’s Republic. Page 168
Articles on foreign policy in the People's Daily are"treated as a diplomatic statement and controlled accordingly."
Ohlberg Mareike Svea (2013). “Creating a favorable international public opinion environment: external propaganda (duiwai xuanchuan) as a global concept with Chinese characteristics”. Page 141

Publishing Sector....

In June 1950
Hu Yuzhi
Hu Yuzhi (1896-1986) chief editor Guangming Ribao in 1952 member of the board of Xinhua Agency.
reports about the publishing sector. He states: "The publishing sector of the entire country is still quite chaotic. Output is low and so is quality. The vast majority of new books are of mediocre content and are stereotyped. The biggest sales are only cadre study books and journals, with literary works coming in second; books in support of production and construction and reading materials for the great masses of workers and peasants are few and far between. We will have to spend a great amount of work to turn around the trend of publishing being detached from the real needs. ...High paper prices are of course the main reason for high book prices, but another reason is the mishandling of distribution and our inability to avoid waste. In most places, textbooks cannot be supplied in time."
Cited in Volland (2003) The control. Page 280
By following the Soviet Union model of publishing, the CCP takes the decision to a division of labour along organizational lines and a specialization according to subject matter. This results in the establishment of specialist publishing houses each with a specific assignment: the People’s Publishing House specializes on publications of political nature and policy-related reading materials, the Education Publishing House task,is to publish school textbooks. 2 other houses are the Youth Press and the Popular Readings Press. The larger private publishing houses have to concentrate their publishing activities on one special field. Their retail and wholesale activities are transferred to Xinhua.
Houn (1960) states: "Dissatisfied with the inconvenience in supervising a relatively large number of privately owned presses and in keeping with the policy regarding the socialist transformation of industry, the government began, in 1951, to step up its agitation among the privately owned publishing houses for the formation of the so-called joint state and privately owned presses, the formation of which not only opened the way for greater governmental control but also helped bring about the amalgamation of many small publishing houses into a few large concerns."
Houn Franklin W.(1960). Publications as a Propaganda Medium in Communist China. Pages 177-178
The private publishing houses are not longer allowed to retain all their titles. The
Commercial Press
is founded in 1897 in Shanghai. After 1949 it specialized in dictionaries, textbooks, pedagogical texts
has to reduce the amount of titles from 15000 (prior to 1949) to 1354 in 1951. It is also forced to convert more than 90% of its stock into paper pulp.
On August 16, 1952 the government issues the Provisional Regulations on the Control of the Book Publishing, Printing, and Distributing Firms. Article 4 of this regulations stipulates "All publicly-run and jointly-run book and newspaper publishing businesses, printing businesses and distribution businesses shall, on the basis of a permit of the higher level to which they are subordinate (organ, group or enterprise) and a business application letter, indicating the business scope, the equipment situation (where necessary, attachments presenting business plans shall be included), and put forward a request for inspection and approval of business with their local administrative publishing organ."
16-08-1952 The Provisional Regulations on the Control of the Book Publishing, Printing and distributing firms
The regulation prohibits all anti-revolutionary books and magazines. This regulation tightens the control of the CCP, all publishing houses become tools of the government and all publications are ideological correct. This process of control is not so tighten that the persuading of reading free approved publications is initially difficult to implement. Many people prefer to rent or buy non-communist books from secondhand bookstores or bookstalls.

Conclusion ....

The CCP considers the media division as an imperative tool to establish the new regime and an important instrument in the class struggle. Far ahead of other industries the publishing industry is transformed to a full state controlled sector. Volland (2003) expresses this point of view: "The restructuring the Chinese publishing sector had taken little more than two years, from early 1949 to early 1951. The process had been far from linear; it had been riddled by protracted debates, misunderstandings, and breakdowns of communication. Overall, trial and error accompanied the experiments that in the end led to the emergence of a permanent structure for the Chinese publishing sector – not without, however, leading to significant disruptions of the industry’s functioning. The Party’s determination to accept these disruptions …as a transitory phenomenon attests to the conviction of the CCP leadership to follow the ideas outlined in the Party’s media concept..."
Volland (2003) Page 286

Literature Notes Documents...

1. cited in Zhao Yuezhi (1989). Between the party line and the bottom line: reform, commercialization, and democratic prospects for news media in China. Page 52 Back
2.In a 1953 Party directive, the Party Central Committee instructed journalists from the Xinhua News Agency and Party newspapers to write internal reference material in areas such as: situations and sensitive problems in the implementation of Party policies, especially difficulties, deviations, mistakes and shortcomings that are important for the leadership to know; the political thinking of all types of people, their opinions on important domestic and international events, heir difficulties in their daily life and work, their opinions of the leadership, detailed information on natural disasters, the activities of counter-revolutionaries, and so on. Zhao (1989) Page 53-54 Back
3.Plettenberg Christa von (1968). The press of the People's Republic of China History, Function,Operational and Organisational Patterns ( up to 1965 ). Page 81 Back
4.Li Nan (2007). Media Politics How is the media agenda of Chinese television set by the state, market, and civil society ? PhD. thesis University of New South Wales Page 66Back
5.Li (2007) Media. Page 90. Li continues: "It firstly disciplined the journalists of the CPC press to respect the work and opinions of non-communist party members, especially those well known figures working for the government, in a New-democratic Revolution period. Secondly, it disciplined journalist of private owned media to do their reports under the supervision of the CPC and government agencies." Page 91 Back
7.Li (2007) Media. Page 91-92 Back
8. Li(2007) Page 67 Back
9.Li (2007) . Page 67 Back
10.Schoenhals Michael (1994)."Non-People" in the People's Republic of China: A Chronicle of Terminological Ambiguity. Pages 5-6 Back
12.Zhao (1989) Page 31 Back
13.Plettenberg (1998). The press of the People's Republic of China. Page 99 Back
14. A description of the takeover of the Shanghai Evening Post is to be found in: Gould Randall (1951). Shanghai during the Takeover, 1949 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science , 277, Report on China, pp. 182-192 Back
15.Plettenberg (1998). Page 113 Back
16.cited in Ying Du (2014). Shanghaiing the Press Gang: The Maoist Regimentation of the Shanghai Popular Publishing Industry in the Early PRC (1949-1956). Page 98 Back
17.Shao Jiang (2011). Minkan in China: 1949–89. Page 50 Back
18.Zhang Jishun (2010). Thought reform and press nationalization in Shanghai : The Wenhui Newspaper in the early 1950’s. Page 25. Zhang notices: "... the individuals most affected by thought-reform and the restructuring of the media industry were middle and lower level employees. State officials put the weapon of democracy into these people’s hands and encouraged them to push the great reporting and accusation campaign to its height, only to drive the majority of those individuals out of the media industry." Page 79 Back
19.Chin Sei Jeong (2013). The Historical Origins of the Nationalization of the Newspaper Industry in Modern China: A Case Study of the Shanghai Newspaper Industry, 1937—1953. Page 15. Chin also remarks "In comparison with the nationalization of other industries, which was completed later in 1956, the Shanghai newspaper industry's nationalization was completed much earlier, in late 1952. .., the CCP emphasized the political importance of the press in the revolutionary process, and this explains partially why the nationalization of the Shanghai newspapers was completed earlier than that of other industries" Page 20 Back
20.Zhao (1989) Between the party line. Page 37 Back
21.Shao (2011). Minkan in China: 1949–89 Page 50 Back
22.Cagdas Ungor (2009). Reaching the distant comrade: Chinese communist propaganda abroad (1949-1976). Page 55-56 Back
23.Volland Nicolai (2003). The control of the media in the People’s Republic of China. Page 223 Back
24.People's China January 1, 1950. Volume 1,1. Page 3 Back
25.Lazarick Leonard W. (2005). China’s smiling face to the world: Beijing’s English-language magazines in the first decade of the People’s Republic. Page 168 Back
26.Ohlberg Mareike Svea (2013). “Creating a favorable international public opinion environment: external propaganda (duiwai xuanchuan) as a global concept with Chinese characteristics”. Page 141 Back
27.Cited in Volland (2003) The control. Page 280 Back
28.Houn Franklin W.(1960) Publications as a Propaganda Medium in Communist China. Pages 177-178 Back
30.Volland (2003) The control. Page 286 Back

Meetings ....

3-10-1949 - 9-10-1949 1st national Xinhua conference 29-8-1950 - 10-9-1950 2nd national Xinhua conference

15-9-1950 - 25-9-1950 1st national publishing conference

Continue to Chapter 6