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  • Introduction
  • Part 1: The period between 1911-1949
  • Part 2: The course of the civil war between January 1949 and September 1949
  • Part 3: The first steps to establish cooperation between the CCP and other political parties
  • Part 4: Collaboration CCP with minzhu dangpai
  • Part 5: The role of the Soviet Union in creating a political consultative conference
  • Part 6: Second plenum of the 7th Central Committee of the CCP
  • Part 7: The Preparatory Conference of June 15, 1949 – June 19, 1949
  • Part 8: The prelude to the Plenum of the first CPPCC and Mao Zedong’s ‘On the people’s democratic dictatorship'
  • Part 9: Characteristic of Minzhu dangpai and their members
  • Part 10: The CPPCC conference of September 21, 1949 –September 30, 1949
  • Part 11: Decisions of the Plenum
  • Part 12: The formation of the government
  • Part 13: Complaints about recruitment
• Common Program
  • Chapter 1
    • General Principles
    • Article 1 Democratic dictatorship
    • Article 2 Unification
    • Article 3 New Democracy
    • Article 4 Election
    • Article 5 Liberties
    • Article 6 Women
    • Article 7 Counter-revolutionaries
    • Article 8 Duties
    • Article 9 Nationalities
    • Article 10 Army
    • Article 11 Independence and Peace
  • Chapter 2
    • Organs of State Power
    • Article 12 People's Congresses
    • Article 13 Role CPPCC
    • Article 14 Regional Administration
    • Article 15 Democratic Centralism
    • Article 16 Jurisdiction
    • Article 17 GMD laws
    • Article 18 Workstyle
    • Article 19 Supervision
  • Chapter 3
    • Army
    • Article 20 Unified army
    • Article 21 Political work
    • Article 22 Modernization
    • Article 23 Militia
    • Article 24 Economic production
    • Article 25 Social care
  • Chapter 4
    • Economy
    • Article 26 Social economy
    • Article 27 Agrarian reform
    • Article 28 State owned enterprises
    • Article 29 Co-operative economy
    • Article 30 Private economy
    • Article 31 State capitalism
    • Article 32 Workers' participation
    • Article 33 Public and private economy
    • Article 34 Agriculture forestry, fisheries
    • Article 35 Industry
    • Article 36 Communication
    • Article 37 Commerce
    • Article 38 Co-operatives
    • Article 39 Currency and banking
    • Article 40 Public finance
  • Chapter 5
    • Overview Education Culture Health
    • Article 41 Raising of the cultural level
    • Article 42 Public spirit
    • Article 43 Natural sciences
    • Article 44 Social science
    • Article 45 Literature and art
    • Article 46 Unification of theory and practice
    • Article 47 Universal education
    • Article 48 Health
    • Article 49 Press
  • Chapter 6
    • Nationalities
    • Article 50 Equality
    • Article 51 Regional autonomy
    • Article 52 Recruitment PLA
    • Article 53 Traditions, customs and religious beliefs
  • Chapter 7
    • Overview
    • Article 54 Protection of the independence
    • Article 55 Treaties and agreements
    • Article 56 Diplomatic relations
    • Article 57 Commercial relations
    • Article 58 Chinese overseas
    • Article 59 Foreigners
    • Article 60 Asylum
• Documents/Literature
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The Common Program of the People's Republic of China 1949-1954

Article 5 of the Common Program

Some aspects of this article, like freedom of thought, freedom of speech and publication will be dealt with in Article 49.

Freedom of association and assembly....

Already in January 1949 the CCP makes it clear that there will be restrictions on the right of assembly. The communist government of Northeast China announces all secret sects and other popular organisations have to dissolve. In 1949 the total number of members of secret societies is about 13 million, much more than the 5 million CCP members. “Por otra parte, Lin Rongze estimó que el numero de seguidores ascendió a más de 18 millones, mientras que Lu Zhongwei en 30 millones. Si bien estas cifras deben tomarse con cautela, ofrecen una idea de la magnitud del fenómeno. Además, las cifras podrian estar infladas por los funcionarios locales en un intento de satisfacer o superar las metas de las campañas.” Two important generals of the PLA, and were members of a secret sect. These sects often have a military structure and in many occasions collaborated with the Japanese occupiers. When on January 15, 1949 the economic important port Tianjin is taken over, the CCP instantly starts to eliminate the secret organisations which are basically active in the economic sector. Most members are illiterate labourers. The CCP considers the sects as remains of the feudal society and as a powerful opponent, which have to be eradicated.
On September 29, 1949 a decree is made public in which all social organizations are called to register. The CCP wants to forbid the ‘wrong” organizations and to reform the “good” ones in reliable partners of the new regime.
Article 3 of the decree defines the organisations which are obliged to register:
1) The masses’ organizations;
2) Social welfare groups;
3) Literary and art working bodies;
4) Academic and learned associations;
5) Religious groups;
6) Other organizations that accord with the laws of the government. Article 4 states: “The founding of any reactionary organization, which impairs the interests of the state and the people, is prohibited; for those that have already registered but are found reactionary, their registration should be terminated and dismissed.” In Shanghai 40.000 organisations are registered. 36.000 are labour organizations and 89 are religious groups. Some organisations are not obliged to register according to article 2 of the regulation. These are the democratic parties or the people’s groups that have participated in the Chinese People’s Political and Consultative Conference; organizations that have been formulated by other regulations of the Central Government; organizations within administrative agencies, educational institutions, political entities, and military troops, which have obtained permission for their establishment from leading cadres.

Elimination of the Sects....

The CCP uses several methods to eliminate the secret sects. One is based on delivering “…various kinds of social and economic services, from job placement, to labour insurance, to extensive government loan and credit facilities, it increasingly undermined the basis for the plethora of social organizations ... in the cities.” “In addition, many former independent organizations were simply absorbed by the state, the party, or mass organizations that effectively functioned as arms of the party. Others were merged into state-controlled institutions, such as universities.”
The use of violence is also an efficient method to eliminate the sects.
(PLA commander in the Southwest) poses the opinion that the existence of secret societies in Chengdu half a year after the takeover, is still a big problem “secret societies have been rampant in the Southwest provinces and have been carrying on illegal activities inimical to society, and as the remnant bandits have since liberation taken cover under these organizations to engage in sabotage activities”. According to Skinner (1951) there are in March 1950 still 200.000 rebels active in the province of Sichuan. Smith (2015) observes "According to the Public Security Bureau (PSB), between April 1949 and the end of 1952, the ten biggest sects in Henan organized fifty two “counter revolutionary uprisings,” an average of one a month, and their counterparts in Hubei organized the same number. " The PLA firstly arrested the leaders of the secret sects (especially those who had collaborated with the Japanese and Nationalists or who had betrayed Communists to the secret police) and later on their followers. “In the single province of Shanxi, for example, some 734 villages carried out a suppression campaign against the Yiguan Dao (the biggest ‘secret’ society) in December 1950. Over 82,300 members withdrew from the sect, 1,692 minor leaders registered and 133 "professional leaders" were put under detention.” In Beijing between 1950 and 1951 90,000 members renounced . The suspicion against the sects rises during the Korean War. Many people doubt as to the patriotism of the members. Still the secret societies keep existing. The big landlords and businessmen have the feeling they have nothing to lose. "By 1952 these revived sects were already reported to have instigated armed uprisings. In Shaoxing county, Zhejiang, leaders of the Jiugong Dao launched three attacks which damaged district government offices and resulted in the death of more than 40 cadres. Brandishing swords and imperial banners, the rebels attempted unsuccessfully to seize the county seat and stage a monarchical restoration."
The sects also play an important role as opponents against the Land reform law and in 1953, a few societies become involved in resistance to the new program of grain procurement. (see Article 27) Recruiting of members is still easy to achieve because the control on migration is limited. The hukou system is not yet strictly implemented. See below. “For example, members of an Yiguan Dao branch spread their message across Hebei, Shanxi and Inner Mongolia by working as mule carters or travelling herbalists. In this way, by 1954 the group had managed to attract hundreds of believers.” The Land reform law makes the attraction for the poor farmers less relevant. They have not much to gain by joining a sect. "Frequently led by dispossessed landlords and rich peasants, many of the sects developed …But now, of course, the plea was for a land reform that would restore the property of the divested rural elite, rather than service the interests of the poor peasantry. As reactionary organizations, the overtly political sects were limited in their recruitment potential. At some places sect member succeed in infiltrating local governments.

New associations....

Most Chinese people are organised through their factory, school, administration or army. In 1952 street committees are founded for those who are not organised through their job. These committees have to strengthen the ties between the central, local governments and the neighbourhoods. They are responsible for the daily affairs, like providing mariage certificates, supervision on family planning, the distribution of food vouchers and propaganda. In 1952 beside these neighbourhood committees also security defense groups are founded. The purpose of these committees in “…organs, factories, enterprises, schools, and streets shall generally be taken as units n cities, while in rural villages the administrative village shall be the unit….” (article 3) and “In order to rouse the masses and to assist the people’s government in preventing treason, espionage, theft, and arson, in liquidating counterrevolutionary activity, and in defending state and public security, it is specially prescribed that security defense committees be universally established throughout the country, in every city after development of the movement for the suppression of counterrevolution and in every rural village after completion of the land reform." (article 1 of the Provisional act of the People’s Republic of China for the organization of security defense committees) In the discussion of Article 17 of the Common Program will the mediation committee be addressed.

Place of residence / Hukou....

See Timeline
In the first years of the People's Republic of China the regime is confronted with a great number of refugees as a result of the civil war. In the period between July 1949 and March 1950 the Shanghai administration sends back 350.000 man to their province of birth. "Just after the army arrived in Beijing, CCP surveyors tallied 8,000 beggars and petty thieves in the capital city. Within the first three months of Communist control, cadres claimed that by offering free train tickets and travel stipends, they mobilized roughly 3,000 nonnative Beijingers (and other willing migrants) to return or relocate to the countryside.” The population increase in the cities is not only caused by the refugees but also by the influx of labourers for the industry and construction work. These newcomers arrive from the rural areas attracted by the higher earnings. The government measure of June 27, 1952 to provide free medical care for everyone working at the government and non-commercial organizations is an extra stimulus to migrate to the city. To control the migration the CCP introduces already in April 1948 a household register system (Hukou) in the newly liberated areas in the northeast of China. "The origins of the hukou system lie embedded in the baojia system of population registration and mutual surveillance perfected over millennia. But its antecedents also lie in 20th-century techniques of social control that were perfected in areas under Kuomintang and Japanese rule, and in the Communist-led revolutionary base areas. Equally important is the direct influence of the Soviet passbook system and the role of Soviet advisers in creating a social order that could be mobilized in the service of socialist developmental priorities.” At the end of 1949 the Hukou system is introduced in cities like Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai. The system is also introduced “----to provide a general statistical overview of the composition of subjects … based on education, profession, residence, and class for administrative and developmental purposes. “ “…the new information to be collected included people's life stories, classes, economic conditions, social relations, and educational backgrounds. Researching the historical, social and, material conditions of a household, this approach made the investigation both “socialist” and more extensive than the simple and despised “counting” methods attributed to the previous regime.” The handbook for CCP cadres describes the double function that involves the system. "On the one hand, [we] need to find out [hidden] enemies quickly, assist struggles against the enemy, and maintain the revolutionary order through the hukou management that controls the information on the population. On the other hand, [we] can provide data to the agencies of the state for their making policies and plans through hukou management that controls the population.” In July 16, 1951 the ministry of public security introduces the Hukou system throughout the country, in order to contain the ‘blind’ influx of persons from rural regions to the urban areas.
‘Blind’ influx means not controlled. Between 1949 and 1955 in Guangzhou the total number of citizens has grown with 534,000 people of whom 70 percent are ‘blind’ farmer migrants. “Between 1949 and 1957, it is reckoned the city (Shanghai) offloaded more than a million people, but 1,820,000 migrants came to the city in the same period, so that immigration accounted for about 34% of the city’s growth.” "7.47% of all interprovincial migrants moved to Beijing during 1950-1954. During the same period, Shanghai received about 8.24% of China's interprovincial migrants. Together the three municipalities received almost 20% of China's interprovincial migrants in that period."
The Hukou system includes a number of mechanisms to manage the migration flow smoothly. The main provision involves obtaining permission from the local security office of the place where one wants to leave. Everybody has to register himself within 3 days at the local security office where one wants to live. Hotels and other guesthouses have to report about their guests at the local security office on a daily basis. "The present regulations,' it began, 'were formulated with a view to maintaining social peace and order,safeguarding the people's security and protecting their freedom of residence and of movement.' This document may in fact be said to have formally initiated the process that, in the course of a decade, effectively denied the Chinese people freedom of residence and movement, placing decisions in this realm in the hands of the state.” The system complicates the upward mobility for residents of rural areas strongly. What was implicit but not stated in the hukou transfer pamphlets was that transfers of hukou changed residents’ rights and entitlements as citizens. Since 1952, the hukou registrar has recorded China’s population according to their residential (rural or urban) and occupational (agricultural or non-agricultural) status, creating four categories of citizenship:
a. urban non-agricultural (urban workers);
b. urban agricultural (suburban peasants);
c. rural non-agricultural (workers in state or collective enterprises in rural areas);
d. rural agricultural (rural peasants).
Before 1949 it was possible to stay through temporary jobs in the city and to climb the social ladder and eventually permanently residing in the city and the opportunity to get an education for your children. A stringent and clear distinction between town and rural area occurs to the detriment of farmers.There are also some setbacks for citizens “Before 1949, urban professionals and administrators had multiple ties to the countryside. Rural rents funded urban careers, and profits from the city could be invested in rural land. Men living in the city returned to the countryside to marry,and children were sent to stay with rural grandparents. Country residence also provided an escape where politically or financially ruined members of the urban middle class could recuperate,regroup,or simply survive.” After 1949 people are sent to the countryside as a punishment. The control is in the beginning certainly not waterproof and the editorial of the People’s Daily (RMRB) complains. “Rural surplus labour in a considerable number of areas has recently been found moving blindly towards the cities.” 'Not only did these (rural) cadres not dissuade the peasants from blindly moving into the cities, but they adopted an irresponsible attitude of "out of sight, out of mind”. This illegal influx of migrants has also a positive side for the administration. "Once in town, farmers labored as outsiders, generally without most of the basic welfare rights enjoyed by average urban-citizens workers.51 …. For the simple fact that it is a way to provide cheap labor not have to deal with the concerns and expenses of providing welfare to the average peasant; a type of moneysaving technique."
Not only the farmers create a migrant problem, on June 29, 1950 the PLA starts a demobilization campaign. At the end of that year about 17% of the soldiers are demobilized. The campaign is stopped during the Korean War but after 1953 the demobilization campaign starts all over. Most of these veterans cannot find a job in he countryside (from where most of them were recruited) and migrate to the towns. "Rural officials were only too glad to be rid of them, so they “casually” issued them unauthorized “letters of introduction” to whatever urban destination they desired. If such letters could not be procured, veterans forged them (..)making sure to falsify their native place, party member status, or location of family members." In a new attempt to constrain the influx of farmers and veterans the government takes some more measures. One of these is the requirement the possession of an employment contract, but this requirement does not halt the influx and on March 12, 1954 the Ministry of Home Affairs and the ministry of labour announces a new decree: "If in the future additional workers are needed for urban construction, the district and township government will be officially directed to recruit rural labour in a planned and organized manner."That is, rural recruits would presumably return to the countryside at the conclusion of their employment” As the government wants to gain more and more control over the economy, they also have a greater need to make more stringent rules “…the ability to allocate human resources not only at the enterprise and sectorial levels but also across geographic locations. Therefore, the Hukou system was considered to be a necessary component of the centrally planned economy” See also on job opportunities Article 6 of the Common Program.
The government stimulates the migration to border areas. Especially the migration to the Northeast and Northwest is a planned operation. See also Article 6
On August 2, 1952 The Ministry of Public Security drafts stricter rules for emigration, even for overseas Chinese who want to go back to their homeland. Also persons who want to go to Hong Kong or Macau have to ask permission. The control on foreigners who want to leave the country is also getting stricter.

Religious affiliation....

The CCP has never made a precise definition of religion, the party considers religion as a negative social power clearly related to feudal and/or foreign imperialism. She differentiate “…into HuiMen (會門) and DaoMen (道門), HuiMen mainly included secret societies, and DaoMen contained secret religions, folk religions, popular religions etc.” The CCP categorizes the “Huimen” as secret organizations and they are treated the same way as counterrevolutionary groups. See Article 7 . “By 1949, well over 300 redemptive sects existed in China with a total of 820,000 ritual specialists and more than 13 million disciples, roughly 2.4% of the population.57” In a talk with a Tibetan delegation Mao Zedong explains his attitude towards religion: "The Communist Party has adopted the policy of protecting religion. Whether you believe in religion or not, and whether you believe in this religion or that religion, you all will be respected. The party respects religious belief. This policy, as presently adopted, will continue in the future." In January 1951 the government institutes a special bureau for religious affairs which works on national and local level. Before 1954 two national conferences on religious work are held. The staff of the bureau of religious affairs receive a job description. “Lead the Catholic Church and Protestant churches in participating in the 'Three-Self Patriotic Movement;' and lead the Buddliist，Daoist，and Islamic leaders in conducting regular study classes on 'patriotism'." Basically the position of the administration towards the 5 big religions is the same. These 5 big religions are the Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, Buddhism and Taoism. Confucianism is not considered as a religion but as a ‘way of life’. “Confucianism, disorganised since the collapse of the imperial examination system and mandarinate, was completely banned as the very essence of 'feudalism'; the thousands of redemptive societies, (6) which aimed to reformulate and revive traditional religion, were ruthlessly persecuted as 'reactionary sects and secret societies'; the millions of communal cults, deeply rooted in traditional rural society, were stigmatised as 'feudal superstition'; (7)” "According to statistics from the Beijing Bureau of Religious Affairs, there were 0.5 million Han-Buddhists (excluding those who practised at home), 0.93 million Hinayana Buddhists, 4.43 million Tibetan Buddhists, 8 million Muslims, 2.7 million Catholics,17 and 0.7 million Protestants in China in 1950.18 The total number was 17.26 million excluding Taoists…Although there is no precise number recorded for Taoists, it is believed that the number of Buddhist and Taoist believers was far greater than in any other religions due to the fact that these religions have no particular formality of baptism. Former Chinese premier Zhou En-Lai (周恩來) even estimated that there were 100 million religious believers in China in the early 1950s.” The power base of the different religions must be broken. Partly because the Marxist ideology and religion are incompatible, and partly because the party considers the Christian faiths as "lackeys of foreign cultural imperialism ', Buddhism and Taoism as representatives of feudalism and Islam as a security problem. In addition to these institutional approach to religion, the state limits the believers personally in the exercise of their faith. The government leaves this control to the local cadres who are responsible for "religious work". They can determine if a person is enemy of the ‘people’ and deprive or constrain his right of freedom of religion. Wang (2015) gives an example "The handling of communal religious activities therefore often depended on the needs of local offcials. When the issue of suppressing superstition was low on their list of priorities, they could choose to make a concession, as they did during the rainmaking riots of the summer of 1953." In this the politics of the People's Republic of China differs from the SU, because "The religion of the overwhelming majority of Han Chinese was neither Buddhist, Daoist nor Confucian, but drew selectively on all three traditions and combined these with elements of local ritual and belief. Popular religion was par excellence local, rooted in networks of cults, festivals and ancestor worship based on the household, territorial communities, guilds and other associations. Diffuse in character, it lacked many of the features associated with the modern conception of religion, such as institutionalised structures, trained personnel and a coherent belief system. Partly for this reason, the struggle against religion in the PRC –in the absence of centralised institutions that characterised Russian Orthodoxy - was never as important a priority for the Chinese Communists as it was for their Russian comrades..."

Islam....

Most Muslims live in the border areas and they belong to national minorities. Frequently Beijing accuses them of ‘local national chauvinism’ (difang minzu zhuyi) which is in conflict with the ‘national unity’ (minzu tuanjie) The government prohibits the construction of mosques and sometimes forces the local population to raise pigs. In Gansu and Henan the Muslim inhabitants frequently revolt. The most famous rebel is , who dreams of an independent Islamic republic Turkistan. To achieve his goal, he works at different times together with Russian Communists, the Americans and the GMD government. In February 1951 the PLA captures him and he is sentenced as a counterrevolutionary person and hanged in Urumqi. The new regime is relatively mild to the Islam as compared to the other religions. For example the general decree of the Government Administration exempts people of the Islamic faith from paying the slaughter tax when their cattle and sheep are slaughtered for home consumption, and also relaxes the inspection standard. The People's Republic of China also wants to keep good relations with Islamic countries throughout the world. Most of these countries are underdeveloped countries and the CCP considers them as victims of imperialism. In 1953 loyal Islamic leaders establish the Chinese Islamic Association to improve the relation between Beijing and the Muslim community.

Buddhism....

Buddhism has a long history in China. The monks live in temple complexes and they provide for their livelihood by begging and leasing of land. The CCP considers Buddhism as an exploiting feudal religion. The temples are considered as places where capitalist and GMD sympathizers conspire. The land reform of 1950 destroys the foundation for the economic structure of Buddhism and created an apparent vacuum in religious leadership and a shortage of physical space and revenue for religious practice. Yet the CCP issued a directive on 16 June 1951 which "warned that temples should not be occupied without the agreement of resident clergy; that no damage should be done to temples; and that historic relics should be preserved. If temples were confiscated, they should be ordinary temples without abbots (zhuchi)—these were the vast majority in fact—or be given up voluntarily by monks, or be in places where temples were numerous." , an influential Buddhist attempts to unify Buddhism and Communism. He participates at the CPPCC and starts a magazine Even before September 1949 he is very active and he writes with several other progressive Buddhists a proposal to Mao Zedong to reform Buddhism. Mao Zedong never answers. In April 1950 he sets up a factory to make burlap. His ultimate goal “…was to re-educate monks and nuns so that they would transform themselves ideologically, embrace socialism willingly, promote patriotic activities among local Buddhists enthusiastically, and fight feudalism and capitalism resolutely.” In 1953 the Chinese Buddhist Associaiton is founded to unite all Buddhists in China. Mao Zedong writes in 1952 “Though no believer in Buddhism, I am not against forming an association of Buddhists to get them united and enable them to distinguish clearly between the people and the enemy.”

Protestantism....

Like the Buddhist Ju Zan, the protestant leader is also inclined to cooperate with the CCP. He is also a delegate to the CPPCC. Both of them are appointed by the communist and not by their own religious community “…not only began to speak within the councils of the government (…) on behalf of the church, but soon addressed themselves to the Church on behalf of the government. Whether willingly or unwittingly, they have served as an effective Communist fifth column within the Church itself.” His collaboration raises within the Protestant community more discord than within the Buddhist. Especially his attempt to unify the different protestant movements in one church raises much resistance. Several important clerics and theologians refuse to cooperate and flee to Hong Kong, leaving behind them a divided religious community. In July 1950 the ‘Christian Manifest’ is publicized. It states loyalty to the People's Republic of China and the foundation of the ‘Three Self Patriotic Movement’. This movement aims to change the institutional base of the Christian churches. The three principles are self-governance, self-support (i.e., financial independence from foreigners), and self-propagation (i.e., indigenous missionary work). Zhou Enlai denies the accusations of coercion "Of course, if I had drafted the manifesto and brought it out for them to sign, they would have agreed to it. But what use would there have been in that, for everyone would have said that so-and-so had drafted the statement for them? It is better for them to speak about reform on their own. As long as they are close to our national policy and correct in their general orientation, there is no need to interfere."

Roman Catholicism....

The main objection the CCP has against the Roman Catholic Church is the influence of the Vatican. This loyalty conflict already occurs from the first contacts between the Roman Catholic missionaries and the Chinese emperors. The Chinese Roman Catholics are seen as of a foreign capitalist country. After 1949 the foreign missionaries are on regular bases publicly not only outside but also inside the protestant and the Roman Catholic Churches denounced. The government initiates these gatherings, later on the own community organizes these condemnation. In 1948, there were 5500 missionaries in China. Two-thirds had been in 1952. Every priest has to undergo a “patriotic educational program.” Mariani (2011) claims the Catholic church in Shanghai was able to withstand the regime for a long time because "The church proved adaptable. At first it operated in the open, but as state pressure mounted it became ever more clandestine, even to the point of mirroring strategies once used by the previously underground CCP. It was not long before the former guerrilla fi ghters of the CCP recognized that the tactics and techniques they had perfected—barring violence—were now being used against themselves: cell groups with strict discipline and group cohesion, compartmentalized knowledge, a hierarchical organization, mass mobilization, multifaceted public pressure campaigns, intelligence gathering, and a specially trained vanguard of militants." It is only in 1957 the Chinese Catholics constitute a Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association. This association, like the Buddhist, Islamic and Protestant associations fits in the pursuit of the CCP to take control over all mass organizations. They are a part of the United Front work.

Taoism ....

Taoism received the image of superstition and magic and as protagonist of secret organizations. Hung (2000) remarks "But to lump together peasants' religious beliefs as mere "superstitions," as government officials and reformers did, is a gross simplification of the peasants' enormously complicated men- tal and spiritual universe. The government attack against religious prints was essentially an assault against the peasants' traditions, as well as against their psychological bent and artistic imagination." Only in 1957 Taoism is considered a religion. PLA General Zhu De was the great promoter for this decision.

Conclusion....

It is for the first time in Chinese history Buddhists, Daoists, Protestants or Muslims are been united in a China-wide organisation. The firm grip the CCP gets over the 5 religions causes great difficulties within the religious communities. Some of them want to hold on to the situation pre 1949 and others want to cooperate. In 1949 in Beijing there are more than 60 churches and organizations with a religious background. In 1959 all organizations with a foreign background have disappeared and only 4 ‘official’ churches remain. In Shanghai the situation is even more severe. In 1949 there are 2000 churches in 1959 only 15 remain. "The communist takeover in 1949, however, started a new era of cultural homogenization. The government denounced Confucianism and banned religious activities. Local cultural forms (music, opera, handicraft products, etc.) were turned into means to promote the universal messages of communism (Chen 1989). Any sign of behavior deviating from centrally defined economic and cultural policies was not tolerated" The sects are seen as counterrevolutionary organizations and are much more persecuted than the adherents of religion. "In general, however, the united front policy in the 1950s stressed the desirability of materialists (weiwu lunzhe) and idealists (weixin lunzhe) working together to build socialist China, rather than the incompatibility of religion and socialism.21"
The Hukou system limits the mobility of almost everyone in the rural areas and also the urban dwellers are limited in their migration possibilities.

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Literature Notes Documents...

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