Article 56 of the Common Program

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This article of the Common Program describes the relations between governments, not between political parties. In this part, only the foreign relations will be presented. The foreign trade and economic relations are described in article 37 . Essentially, during the latter phase of the PRC's revolutionary movement, Chinese Communist leaders applied highly revolutionary criteria to categorize world states. They viewed all states outside the Soviet camp, including those in Asia, as either imperialist or under the influence of imperialist or reactionary forces. Mao Zedong, as articulated in his work "On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship," suggested that establishing close relations with these countries was not an urgent priority for the PRC. Instead, the Chinese leadership prioritized the welfare of working people and what they considered to be revolutionary movements, including armed struggles against governments in these countries.
The new regime formulates 4 criteria for diplomatic relations. First of all, the integrity of China should be recognized, in other words, Taiwan is an inseparable part of the People's Republic of China. Secondly, the old unequal treaties should be revised or abolished. See article 55. Thirdly, all contacts with the GMD regime of Taiwan should be severed. Finally, the relations should be friendly and peaceful. The PRC increasingly prioritized the establishment of diplomatic ties. A significant factor behind the downplaying of recognition was the growing awareness of the "two Chinas" dilemma. Beijing was concerned that pressing for recognition might lead to many states recognizing both regimes, potentially one officially and the other unofficially. This scenario would only exacerbate the "two Chinas" deadlock. By avoiding explicit recognition and instead concentrating on diplomatic relations, Beijing could garner more support from undecided nations. This was possible due to its effective control over the mainland and its ability to offer significant trade incentives. After the recognition of Burma, Mao Zedong states “regarding the issue of Burma’s request to establish diplomatic relations with us, you should ask whether Rangoon is willing to sever relations with Kuomintang, and at the same time ask Rangoon to appoint a delegate, negotiating the establishment of Sino-Burma relations. Then you decide whether two countries’ relations would be established. Such procedure of negotiation on establishing relations is absolutely necessary, and it should be the same with all capitalist countries.”
A division in Regions characterized by the sort of relations between the People's Republic of China and foreign countries can be made.

1.The first Region consists of neighboring countries: SU, India, Afghanistan, Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Mongolia, Nepal, Burma, Pakistan, and Bhutan.
2.The second Region contains countries in the immediate vicinity of China: Indonesia, Japan, Philippines, Thailand, and Ceylon
3.The third Region involves the communist regimes in East Europe: GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Albania, Yugoslavia, and Hungaria 4.The fourth Region consists of Western countries: to be divided in non-American-ally countries and American allies. "For those falling in the first category, it positively and actively responded to their proposal for establishing diplomatic relations, with the precondition that negotiations were needed, thereby confirming the new regime’s international status as the sole legal representative of the whole Chinese people."
5.The fifth Region consists of countries in Africa, Arabia, Latin America and Asia. After 1955, mostly countries from Region 5 prevail in the establishing of relations. In general, the relations can be qualified “Among the non-Communist countries, three important cross-cutting distinctions must be noted: recognition and non-recognition; friendly popular atmosphere and unfriendly popular atmosphere; and advanced, as against backward and recently colonial countries. China's relations with each category are somewhat different”

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Soviet Union, Korea, Bhutan, Laos , Burma , Nepal , Afghanistan, India , Pakistan, Vietnam and Mongolia

Soviet Union:

This country is the most important neighbor. China has the longest frontier with the SU. Big parts on both sides of the border have been recently and in the past, issues of conflict. These areas are Manchuria, Xinjiang and Mongolia. See article 55. The decision to "lean on one side" elevated the Soviet Union to the most significant ally of the regime. However, this dynamic shifted following the death of Stalin in March 1953. There were indications of the improved standing of the Chinese within the communist world. At the 19th Congress of the CPSU in 1952, the Chinese Communist Party, which previously ranked third after the Polish Party, was promoted to second place. Similarly, in all public mentions, the Chinese People's Republic began to be prioritized over all other People's Democracies. China received more favorable treatment than before, suggesting that it was likely no longer considered a satellite state.The choice of “leaning on one side” makes the SU the most important ally of the regime. Korea: The relationship with this country is described in article 54 . Remarkable is the telegram from Stalin to Beijing about the absence of a Chinese representative in Korea. Bhutan: China and Bhutan do not maintain official diplomatic relations, After Tibet came under the direct rulership of Beijing in 1951, Bhutan was afraid to become a victim of the expansionist policy of the People's Republic of China. This fear was not justified, China saw Bhutan never as a part of China. Is was never a suzerainty like Tibet. Although China claimed considerable territory in central and north-western Bhutan. On August 8, 1949, Bhutan and India concluded a treaty in which is stipulated that India is the ‘guide ‘in the foreign policy of Bhutan. Laos: The relation with Laos is part of the conflict in Indochina. See article 54 . The Chinese but mainly the North Vietnamese support the Pathet Lao (founded August 19, 1950), who fight for a real independent Laos. “It is unclear whether the CPR had any direct contact with the Pathet Lao movement up to this time, outside of Souphanouvong's visits to China during 1951 and 1952, apparently for policy consultations. There is little doubt, however, that the triumph of Communist revolution in China and the presence of Chinese troops on the Indochinese frontier encouraged Souphanouvong's movement and that the extensive Chinese military assistance for the Viet Minh operations indirectly aided the Pathet Lao.”
In 1954, Laos transitioned into a constitutional monarchy. Over time, the relationship between the two countries improved. There were no conclusive pieces of evidence to support the claim that China's approach toward Laos was inherently "aggressive" and "expansionist." The overall trend of China's strategies and tactics toward Laos from 1954 to 1967 appeared to be more rational and cautious rather than impulsive and irresponsible. The foundation of the SEATO partly caused this prudent policy. It was widely known that SEATO was primarily directed at China. SEATO dealt a significant blow to both the DRV (Vietnam) and China, as they were dedicated to achieving peace in Indochina through compromise. See article 54 Burma: Burma is the first noncommunist country which recognizes the People's Republic of China. The presence of GMD troops in Burma is an obstacle for intercommunication. In 1951, about 4000 GMD soldiers are near the borders of the Chinese province, Yunnan. In 1953, the number has increased to 16000. The CIA supports the troops under GMD General Li Mi. The overarching idea was to deploy CIA-backed Chinese Nationalists into China from Burma, with the aim of compelling the Communists to divert their forces from Korea to address the incursion. If successful, this strategy would prompt Mao to redeploy the PLA, thereby easing the pressure on American and UN forces. Often disguised as PLA soldiers the GMD soldiers are causing unrest in Yunnan and in Burma. A secret GMD document states “From now on you and your men must make all attempts to attack the weak outpost of the Burmese troops, in the disguise that you are MAO’s Communist bandits and also propagate that MAO’s Communist bandits have invaded Burma.” “Therefore, to make our plans successful we must create trouble between these two governments.” These undercover actions are not successful. In 1953, the UN solves the problem. The US, Taiwan, and Thailand agree to evacuate the majority of these troops. In a meeting between a delegation of Burma and Zhou Enlai, the latter promises “we are developing economic ties on the basis of equality and mutual benefit. We are not looking for one side’s conditions to outweigh the others. If the Burmese government discontinues its acceptance of American aid by June, it will excite many of the Asian nations.” During his visit in June 1954, Zhou Enlai pledged China will not export the revolution to Burma and "to settle this question (incomplete delimitation of the boundary line) in a friendly spirit at an appropriate time through normal diplomatic channels." In December 1954, Mao Zedong reassures the Burmese premier that China will refrain from interfering in Burma's internal affairs. Both nations are essentially bound to each other. Beijing not only designates Burma as a crucial buffer state between China and the outside world but also partially breaks free from US containment through Burma's strategic location. With Western orientated nations encircling China, Burma stands out as the sole friendly non-Communist territory through which Chinese Communists could physically travel abroad. Nepal: Like Bhutan, Nepal is afraid to lose its sovereignty and like Bhutan seeks protection from India. Both countries conclude an economic and military treaty. Nepal-India relations are largely directed by the 1950 India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which Nepalese side considers as unequal. Intern opposition against the growing influence of India affects the relation with China in a positive way. August 1, 1955, Nepal recognizes its neighboring country. Afghanistan: January 12, 1950, recognized the PRC without mention of any intention regarding diplomatic ties. The PRC and Afghanistan share a short, undisputed 57 km border. It is located in Afghanistan’s Northeast. After 1949 the Chinese closed their border with Afghanistan. India: India established diplomatic relations with the PRC on 1 January 1950, the second noncommunist nation after Burma. "In January 1951, India became the first non-socialist country to receive a delegation from the Chinese Academy of Sciences. Conference-level exchanges continued in subsequent years and included engineers, hydrologists, pharmacologists, doctors, botanists, etc. " The China-India Friendship Association (CIFA; Zhongyin Youhao Xiehui 中印友好协会) is founded in Beijing on May 16, 1952. The first Chinese cultural delegation went to India in late 1951. The Chinese leaders regard Head of Government Nehru as a lackey of Imperialism. Nehru visits Washington in October 1949 and maintains a close relationship with London via the Commonwealth. The relationship with China is very tense after the crushing of a communist uprising in South India and gets even more tense after the takeover of Tibet. However, April 1953, Chinese diplomats suddenly sought New Delhi’s assistance in concluding the Korean armistice talks.
On April 29, 1954, both parties signed an agreement on trade and relations with Tibet. There are disputes about the border Regions. After the Geneva conference Zhou Enlai visits India. Both countries agree to take the 5 principles as the basic principle for their relations. See article 54 . India tries to stay neutral in the conflict between the US and the SU. Pakistan:

Although diplomatic recognition between the two countries occurred in 1950, their interactions remained limited. Pakistan successfully pursued a policy of bilateralism, forging alliances with both the United States and China while earning the enmity of the USSR. During critical moments, Pakistan opted to maintain neutrality regarding China's internal affairs, such as the situation in Tibet. Politically, there were no significant disagreements between Karachi and Beijing at that time. Even the undefined border between Pakistan and China remained peaceful, and China's stance on the Kashmir dispute was not clear, especially during the period of warm relations between China and India. Economically, trade between Pakistan and China expanded under the barter agreement of 1952, with Pakistan exporting Rs. 97.2 million worth of cotton to China in exchange for coal and jute. China is concerned about the negotiations between the US and Pakistan and the participation in the SEATO. Vietnam: In examining article 54 of the Common Program, the relationship between North Vietnam and the People's Republic of China is described. The relationship between South Vietnam and China is non-existent. South Vietnam is a full ally of the US and survives by the military and economic aid of the US. Mongolia: As seen in Article 55, the leaders in Beijing are reluctant to accept the independence of Mongolia. Only under the pressure of the SU, the People's Republic of China accepts the independence of Mongolia. The former GMD government had accepted the independence in January 1946. From 1952 onwards, the People's Republic of China and Mongolia signed agreements on economic aid in the form of monetary aid and manpower. Thousands of Chinese workers helped construction projects in the capital Ulaanbaatar, to assist in the construction of schools, hospitals, homes for the elderly, hotels, factories, and thermal power stations, even helping in the restoration of temples. The 1952 deal was the first bilateral agreement, which was concluded by Mongolia with a country other than the Soviet Union. It challenged Soviet predominance in Mongolia.

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Indonesia, Japan, Philippines, Thailand, Ceylon and Cambodia Indonesia:The PRC found itself in a complex position regarding Indonesia's independence. On one hand, they shared similar reasons with the Chinese Nationalists to sympathize with and support the Indonesian Republic. However, following Moscow's lead, they viewed the Round Table Conference Agreement (held from 23 August to 2 November 1949) as a nefarious deal involving feudal Indonesians, Dutch reactionaries, and American imperialists. This agreement was perceived as a betrayal of the "true interests" of the Indonesian people. Between Indonesia and China never existed a close relation like those with Korea and Vietnam. This absence of interest can be explained by the dominance of Hinduism, Islam, and western influences in Indonesia. The position of the numerous Chinese complicates the relation. See article 58. In April 1950, after the closing of the Taiwanese consulates the Chinese ambassador Ba Ren (August 1950-November 1951) presents his credentials to President Sukarno. In July 1951, a diplomatic row over some Chinese embassy personnel arose, which was only solved after some months. At the end of 1953, trade agreements are signed and after the Bandung conference of 1955, the relationship improves. Partly because the new Indonesian government has to rely on the Communist party (PKI) to realize a majority in the Parliament Japan: The relationship between China and Japan has been extremely bad after the end of World War II, and Japan is still seen as a potential threat. The treaty of February 1950 between the SU and the People's Republic of China stipulates mutual aid in case Japan will violate Chinese or Russian territory. The issue of reaching a peace settlement with Japan revolved around how to handle the defeated nation. China and the Soviet Union shared similar objectives to a large extent: China sought to regain sovereignty over Taiwan and the Pescadores islands, while the Soviet Union aimed to officially acquire southern Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands. Both nations opposed the idea of the United States solely managing Japan, rejecting any plans to turn Japan into an American ally or to station American troops on Japanese soil. They also took measures to prevent the resurgence of Japanese militarism. These aligned goals provided the basis for consultation, coordination, and cooperation between the two countries. As outlined in the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance, both nations committed to "jointly reaching a conclusion on the peace treaty with Japan through mutual consent."
During the Korea War, the military bases in Japan are an important part of the US strategy. In 1951, the US and Japan sign a security treaty and Japan recognizes Taiwan. On September 8, 195,1 when 48 countries set their signature to the peace treaty with Japan, the Soviet Union, along with Poland and Czechoslovakia, refused to sign it. On April 28, 1952, Taiwan and Japan signed a peace treaty, Japan recognized the GMD government as a government of China, not as the government. (This treaty was abrogated by the Japanese government on Sept. 29, 1972, upon the establishment of formal diplomatic relations with the PCR)
The relationship between the two nations remains under continual strain, with Beijing intentionally manipulating various issues such as trade, fishing rights, prisoners of war, and war criminals for political ends. Additionally, matters concerning disarmament and rearmament, atomic weapons, American bases in Japan, and the status of Okinawa have been utilized for propaganda purposes. The PRC seized 154 Japanese fishing boats and 1,909 Japanese crew members between 1950 and 1954. The CCP was prepared to accept certain Japanese individuals whom they considered useful and manageable. These included steel and mining engineers, airplane pilots, and anyone possessing skills that the CCP found beneficial. However, the service and contributions made by these Japanese individuals did not earn them trust from the Chinese. In the autumn of 1952, representatives from various countries attending an Asian and Pacific Peace Conference in Beijing were granted permission to visit the Northeast region. Due to concerns about what the Japanese might disclose to the visitors, CCP authorities opted to organize the foreigners' visit in a manner that prevented them from encountering local Japanese individuals. Through nonofficial channels, the two countries try to have contact. In April 1952, several delegations are invited to Moscow to attend the International Economic Conference. This conference aims to circumvent the embargo imposed by the UN during the Korea War. Japanese businessmen attended this conference and in June 1952 a trade agreement is made with Japanese private companies. Since the 1950s, Beijing implemented People’s Diplomacy towards Japan, a semi-official diplomatic initiative designed to alter Tokyo's policy of non-recognition of Beijing and undermine its security alliance with Washington. Zhou Enlai explains to a Japanese delegation the essence of “People’s Diplomacy”. The Chinese people can distinguish between the militarist elites and the common people. He also puts in the spotlight the generous attitude of China towards the Japanese war criminals and the willingness to solve these matter in a fast way. For example, "...in 1953 a woodblock-print exhibition of Japanese artists was held at Beihai Park in Beijing.¹⁹ Akamatsu Toshiko (1912–2000), one of the painters of The Hiroshima Panels, was awarded a gold medal of international peace by the World Peace Council and was invited to visit China in 1953.²⁰." On October 12, 1954, during the visit of Krushchev to China, a joint declaration is signed concerning the relation with Japan. In 1955 32000 pows are repatriated and in 1956 war criminals are sent back. Philippines: Between Beijing and Manilla is no diplomatic relation. The Filipino government is anti-communist and the country sends troops for the UN army in Korea. The country is a member of SEATO. Thailand: Thailand established diplomatic relations with the GMD regime in Taiwan. Thailand had a strict anti-communist strategy and sent troops to the UN contingent in the Korea War. It also provided assistance to GMD troops based in North Burma. Even though China has attempted to establish diplomatic relations with Thailand, it is only in 1975 the latter recognizes China. In December 1955 Mao Zedong assures a Thai delegation the Chinese regime has no intention in aiding the Thai communist in overthrowing the Thai government. According to Mao Zedong Thailand should be neutral just like India. Thailand choses to join the SEATO. On June 21, 1956, Zhou Enlai signs a secret treaty with Thai politicians to lift the UN embargo on non-strategic articles. Ceylon: This island recognizes the People's Republic of China in 1950, real diplomatic relations start in September 1956. Already in December 1952 both countries sign a trade agreement on rubber and rice. In exchange of rice, China imports rubber from Ceylon. In the subsequent years, more of these contracts are signed. Cambodia: It is in July 1958, Cambodia and China establish diplomatic relations. Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Albania, and Hungary, German Democratic Republic

The diplomatic relations between China and the European socialist countries went completely according to international conventions. After recognition followed the exchange of ambassadors. All East Bloc countries have recognized the People's Republic of China at the end of 1949. In January 1949 the SU, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary formed the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. China is excluded from this organization. The agreement between China and the Soviet Union, establishing a "division of labor" between the two nations, proposed by Stalin to Liu Shaoqi during the latter's visit to Moscow in the summer of 1949, imposed informal constraints on the Chinese side during the Stalin era. This division delineated a clear boundary to China's sphere of influence, which terminated in Asia. Stalin was cautious of the potential similarities between Chinese influence on the Eastern European states and the historical influence of Yugoslavia on the more orthodox Balkan nations. Consequently, during the Stalin era, the PRC's relations with the Eastern bloc states were primarily limited to trade, cultural exchanges, and formal diplomatic connections. There were no significant political relations between the Communist Parties of China and Eastern Europe. After the death of Stalin, this relationship alters and in 1954 there are direct talks between the People's Republic of China and Hungary and Poland during the fifth anniversary of the republic. On a regular basis, there are mutual visits by political, cultural, and economic delegations. Eastern European countries also send experts to China. Similar to how domestic five-year plans underwent periodic adjustments, typically on an annual basis, the multi-year cooperative agreements between China and its Eastern bloc partners were also renegotiated annually to better align with the production realities of each year. Yugoslavia: In 1948, Tito (the political leader of Yugoslavia) decided to set its own course and to be more independent of the SU. This course complicates the relations with China. On July 10 1948, the CCP accepts a resolution in which the party supports the SU condemnation of the independent course of Yugoslavia. Mao Zedong tells the Russian ambassador: “… that the Chinese government would not reply to Yugoslavia and would ignore all attempts by the Yugoslavs to entrap [zaviazat’] China into relations.” After the death of Stalin, both countries tried to establish normal relations. On October 26, 1954, Zhou Enlai in his talks with Nehru told him: "Yugoslavia has expressed its willingness to establish normal relations with China, and China will consult with Yugoslavia with respect to this issue. We will not refuse but will cooperate with any country that is willing to work for world peace."
In January 1955, this results in diplomatic relations. Mao Zedong in a conversation with the Yugoslavian ambassador states: “You recognized us long ago. Since the establishment of our country, you have supported us and this position has never altered. Our reason for delaying the establishment of relations with you is that we hoped to mend relations with you together with the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union has now mended its relations to you and so have we. This was a better way, so establishment of relations was delayed for a few years.”

German Democratic Republic: In June 1953, there was a popular uprising against the regime. After the military intervention of SU troops, the revolt was beaten down. Soon afterwards, the Chinese government supports the regime with economic aid. As Zhou Enlai put it: "In consideration of the friendship between the Chinese and German peoples and in order to overcome the current difficulties into which the American imperialists and the West German bandits have brought the German people, we see our assistance to the German people as our duty and as an honour."
The position of China regarding the revolts in Hungary and Poland in 1956 is no subject of this study.

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United Kingdom, Scandinavia, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Austria, Liechtenstein , United States , FRG, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Israel, France, and Australia

United Kingdom: Overall, the CCP's approach towards Britain in the late 1940s was marked by pragmatism and practicality. While occasional anti-imperialist rhetoric was employed against the British, often for domestic consumption, the party adopted a flexible and realistic stance in its interactions with Britain, particularly regarding Hong Kong and trade. Contrasting the CCP's attitudes towards the United States and Britain provides insight, revealing that while ideology and historical memory influenced the party's foreign policy, geopolitical and military-security considerations held greater importance. Despite viewing both Washington and London as reactionary and criticizing their imposition of imperialist privileges in China and intervention in the Russian Revolution, the CCP perceived the United States as a greater threat in the late 1940s due to its active support for the Nationalists, whereas the United Kingdom remained neutral in the Chinese civil conflict. The UK is willing to recognize the People's Republic of China mainly for its economic benefits. The British investments in China run up to more than 200 million pounds. On January 6, 1950 the UK recognizes PRC. Political and economic interests in the Far East and Hong Kong play significant roles in the attitude of the British Government and London seeks for rapprochement with Beijing.
Three issues are important to Beijing. One, the voting of the UK regarding Chinese representation in the United Nations. In January, Britain had abstained from voting on a Soviet resolution to expel the GMD representative from the UN. The other matter is the presence of GMD organizations in Hong Kong. The third concern pertained to China's state-owned properties in Hong Kong, specifically concerning the ownership of 71 grounded airplanes at the airport. Despite a February 1950 ruling by the Hong Kong court declaring that the aircraft belonged to the PRC, London faced pressure from Washington to prevent them from coming under Communist control. Unhappy with Britain's ambiguous stance towards the GMD, Beijing declined to reciprocate London's diplomatic recognition. Sino-British negotiations came to an abrupt halt with the outbreak of the Korean War in the summer of 1950. After the ceasefire in Korea, on June 17, 1954, diplomatic relations are established at charge d'affaires level with Great Britain. Scandinavia, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Austria, Liechtenstein: In the first 3 months of 1950, several European countries recognize the People's Republic of China. The Scandinavian countries, Switzerland and Lichtenstein on ambassador level. The Netherlands on D’affaires level because Beijing finally agreed to exchange permanent diplomatic representatives without winning a Dutch concession on the UN question. The Austria government decided by the end of January 1950 not to recognize the prc until all four occupation powers had done so.In 1952, Chinese–Austrian cultural weeks took place in Vienna. The contacts between these countries and China are on a very low frequency. Sporadic trade agreements and after the start of the Korea War are almost non-existent. The exception is the above-mentioned Economic Conference in Moscow (See above) and in April 1953, Finland and Sweden sent cultural representatives to China. In 1952, Sweden and China established a joint association for the promotion of cultural relations. France: In 1949, about 110 French enterprises, mostly in Shanghai and Tientsin, remain. Investments amount to 248 million US dollars. On the Economic Conference in Moscow a contract is signed. The following goods were to be exported by France to the PRC: metals, chemical products, textiles, industrial equipment and raw material. In return, China was to provide France with tea, vegetable oils, silk, manganese and handicraft. There are three big obstacles for a normal relationship between France and the People's Republic of China. The main one is the situation in Indochina. The French government’s primary motivation in its foreign policy towards PRC was to preserve Indochina and its frontiers with China. (See article 54) . The other is the membership of SEATO (see above). The third is the remaining official recognition of the GMD government on Taiwan. During the conference in Geneva there are some talks between delegations of both countries, but these don’t lead up to recognition. (See article 11). In 1964, France recognized the PRC.) However, in 1952, French cultural missions and youth and intellectual travellers visited the mainland. FRG, Belgium, Italy and Spain: In the 1970’s, these countries recognized the People's Republic of China. Italy in 1970 , Belgium in 1971. The FRG in 1972. "The ideological proximity between Beijing and Moscow on one hand, and between the FRG and the United States on the other hand, meant that the two countries found themselves entangled in rival political system since their act of birth." During the 1950s the FRG government refused to chose between Beijing and Taipei. "The value of official bilateral trade increased by 1,000 per cent between 1949 and 1951 to reach a remarkable DM284 million. This was also a promising result for Beijing, whose exports often exceeded imports, and it proved how enduring German interest in Chinese goods was." Spain recognizes the PRC in 1973. Israel: Despite protests from the US and UK, Israel recognized the People's Republic of China in January 1950. Both countries don’t exchange ambassadors and the relation is at a very low level. In June 1950, the Chinese charge d'affaires visited the Israeli Legation in Moscow and asked whether Israel was planning to send a diplomatic mission to China. A negative answer was received. (the first time, on 19 September 1950, Israel supported the resolution in the United Nations to oust the delegates of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and to admit those of the PRC.) “In December 1953, Chinese ambassador Yao Zhongming met with Israeli ambassador David Ha-Cohen in Burma and soon a message was delivered to the Chinese foreign ministry: the Israeli government ordered Ha-Cohen "to keep the sincerest and friendliest relation with China and check the possibility to develop business and trade with our country". And soon after that the Israeli embassy in Finland also asked about the possibility of an Israeli business delegation to visit China, which was approved by Premier Zhou Enlai in August 1954.” This delegation visited China in 1955.
China is very reluctant to openly support Israel because the regime does not want to upset its Muslim minorities and Arab countries. United States: The relationship between the People's Republic of China and the US deteriorated rapidly. Partly caused by the fact that the US supports the GMD regime, which fled to Taiwan and partly caused by the Cold War, which put both countries ‘automatically' opposed to each other. Historically, the bond between the CCP and the US has been very fragile. Washington sparingly supports the communist army against the Japanese. On the other hand, the CCP seeks support from the SU in 1920’s,1930’s, and 1940’. This choice is, above all ideologically motivated. The GMD choses the side of US and on November 4, 1946, both countries signed a five years’ friendship treaty. This treaty evokes protests from pro-GMD students and from pro-CCP students. The anti-American sentiment grows after the news of the rape of a Chinese girl by 2 American soldiers. At the end of 1946 and the beginning of 1947, there are in cities like Shanghai and Beijing several demonstrations against American presence in China. In 1949, the CCP is puzzled by the reactions of the US to the developments during the civil war. On the other hand, the US government is also puzzled about the policy of the CCP. Both countries don’t trust each other. Mao Zedong is convinced “the Truman administration sought to salvage American interests in China. Facing defeat "sending its running dogs to infiltrate the revolutionary camp and organizing so-called oppositionists." He even imagined that Washington might grant diplomatic recognition as a way of securing its influence in China the better to push this strategy of "'destruction from within.” In June and July there are some attempts to start diplomatic relations but they all fail.

In August, the US government publicizes the “white papers”. The papers conclude that the introduction of communism is a victory of the Russian expansionist tendencies and an implementation of an alien system in China. (See also Part 3) Mao Zedong reacts on these accusations and warns: “The slogan, "Prepare for struggle", is addressed to those who still cherish certain illusions about the relations between China and the imperialist countries, especially between China and the United States. With regard to this question, they are still passive, their minds are still not made up, they are still not determined to wage a long struggle against U.S. (and British) imperialism because they still have illusions about the United States. There is still a very wide, or fairly wide, gap between these people and ourselves on this question.” After 1949, the US embarked on a quest to identify adversaries of the regime. Disenchanted with Chiang Kai-shek and dismayed by the totalitarianism and uncompromising nature of the Chinese Communists, evident in their mistreatment of American diplomats, missionaries, scholars, and other individuals, the US government sought third parties capable of challenging the new rulers of the mainland both militarily and politically, while also offering an alternative to the Chinese Nationalists. The Chinese Communist involvement in the Korean conflict heightened the sense of urgency in this pursuit. On January 5, 1950, President Truman announces the US, shall not intervene in the civil war of China, and will not give military support to Taiwan. This decision is soon withdrawn as the PRC enters the war in Korea. February 1951, the US and Taiwan sign a military treaty. Two months earlier, in December of 1950, President Truman froze all Chinese assets in the United States in retaliation for China's military intervention in Korea. In response, the Chinese government expropriated all property belonging to United States nationals in China and froze all US deposits in the territory under its control. In 1954, during the Conference of Geneva, Chinese and American diplomats meet and they decide to hold talks in Warsaw. They start in 1955. The repatriation of nationals was the primary issue of these talks. Australia: Australian cadres linked to the World Federation of Trade Unions Eastern Liaison Bureau, were located in Beijing.

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The main characterization of this Region is that relations only started after the Bandung Conference (meeting of Asian and African states) of April 1955. During the period between 1949 and 1955, a political outreach to Africa/Latin America and Arabia is not a CCP priority. Instead, to secure its external legitimacy, the CCP works hard to win as many diplomatic partners as possible away from Taiwan. "On 5 October 1954, the CCP magazine World Culture published an article entitled ‘Foreign Relations of New China During the Past Five Years’ calling for the party to adopt a more active global approach. It argued that the independence struggles of Asian, African, and Latin American states ‘share a common interest in the wiping out of colonialism, and there are no basic conflicts of interest among them.’ ¹⁵ This clarion call for unified ‘opposition to the imperialist policy of aggression and war’ marked the beginning of proactive CCP outreach to African independence groups – creating political networks later used to channel material support" The Arabic Region During the first half of the 1950s, China's engagement with the Middle East was primarily limited to informal 'people's' diplomacy. Given that most Middle Eastern governments held a somewhat unfavorable stance towards the PRC, Beijing could only forge connections with leftist and opposition figures, some of whom were in exile. Even economic dealings with Arab nations, primarily Egypt, were conducted solely through private 'industrial and commercial interests'. The Chinese consistently categorized the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula region as part of the capitalist camp rather than the socialist camp. They referred to the governments in the region as 'puppets' under the control of the West. The PRC followed a path similar to that of the Soviet Union concerning the Middle East. Initially, China's interests in the region aligned with those of the Soviet Union. China sought to counteract Western influence, particularly that of the United States, in the Middle East. An example of this was seen in China's support for pro-China Communists in Iraq to oppose the Baghdad Pact in 1954, demonstrating China's primary aim of disrupting the Western alliance in the region. This attitude changes, a change that is not only specific to the Gulf states but for whole Region 5. “By the end of the 1950s, the Sino-Soviet alliance began to deteriorate. The Chinese started to regard the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula Region as an arena of Chinese-Soviet rivalry as well as a stage to wage a campaign against Western imperialism.”
In 1956, Radio Beijing started broadcasting in English for the African continent. Latin America is mostly a virgin territory for China. The governments of these countries are considered pro US.

Egypt: Starting from 1954, both countries have a trade relation. President Nasser explains why he is hesitant to recognize the People's Republic of China. “…the Americans and the British were exerting pressure on the Egyptian government not to have any relations with China. Egypt could not ignore the Anglo-American position for fear that they [the Anglo-Americans] might stop the evacuation of the British forces from the Canal Zone. That was the reason why Egypt abstained during the vote in the UN over the inclusion of China, yet in his [Nasser’s] heart of hearts he was for recognizing China.” One year later, May 1956 Egypt recognizes the People's Republic of China. This is an essential decision for Beijing. Egypt is the first Islamic country recognizing the new regime.
South Africa: May 28, 1954, Mao Zedong cables the Congress of Indians in South Africa in which he supports the struggle against racial discrimination and racial oppression.

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Chapter 7 of Common Program

• Road to Common Program
• Common Program
• Bibliography
• Documents