Article 45 of the Common Program
Text
Article 45 of the Common Program

Literature and art shall be promoted to serve the people, to awaken their political consciousness, and to enhance their enthusiasm for labour. Outstanding works of literature and art shall be encouraged and rewarded. The people's drama and cinema shall be developed.


At the All-China Congress of Literary and Arts Workers
"Already in its name, the congress announced a change: it included the neologism “literary and arts workers” (wenxue yishu gongzuozhe), signaling the intention to redefine the identity of artists (film directors, scriptwriters, cinematographers, film stars) and writers as part of the working class." Yan Geng (2018). Mao’s Images Artists and China’s 1949 transition. Page 2
, held in Beijing from July 2 until July 27, 1949, the Congress affirms Mao Zedong's Speeches at the Yan'an Forum of Literature and Art
Mao Zedong wrote previously in 1940 in his "On new democracy" "A given culture is the ideological reflection of the politics and economics of a given society. There is in China an imperialist culture which is a reflection of imperialist rule, or partial rule, in the political and economic fields." and he continues "The new-democratic culture is the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the broad masses; today it is the culture of the anti-Japanese united front. This culture can be led only by the culture and ideology of the proletariat, by the ideology of communism, and not by the culture and ideology of any other class. In a word, new-democratic culture is the proletarian-led, anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the broad masses."
as guiding principle, that literature and art should serve politics and serve the worker, the peasant and the soldier and that artists should question their own political position and attitudes.
The Congress did not change, but rather confirmed, the relationship between literature and art on the one hand and politics on the other, and drew up guidelines for creating literary works. It followed that political criteria should always take priority over artistic criteria in the evaluation of art. But art should not be mere propaganda (education) but also provide accessible entertainment to the masses. Writers and artists have to educate the masses and they have to learn from the masses. "Apolitical artists are useless; those hostile to the new ideology are dangerous. There must be extensive and permanent artistic controls, but these are redefinable, depending on changing political objectives. "
Perris Arnold (1983). Music as Propaganda: Art at the Command of Doctrine in the People's Republic of China. Page 5
Future artwork has to serve urban residents and industrial workers while continuing to meet the demands of the vast rural population. Mass art, amateur artistic creations of workers and peasants, is encouraged. As early as 1950, there are circular exhibitions of amateur art of workers in various factories in Beijing.
At this congress Zhou Enlai divides in his speech A political report to congress of literature and art workers artists into two groups: “new art workers” who had worked in the Communist base and “old artists” from the Nationalist-controlled area. DeMare (2015) concludes "China’s leading urban artists and new cultural workers, while ostensibly welcomed into the fold to help oversee cultural and political performances, were actually being held in distrust for their suspect class status. As a minority of the party’s cultural leaders noted, class had also been an issue for “old liberated area” cultural workers"
DeMare Brian James (2015). Mao’s cultural army: drama troupes in China’s rural revolution. Page 151
The Congress ends in the founding of the China Federation of Literary and Art Circles (FLAC). The federation is a union of various literary and art associations, which include the Chinese Writers’ Association, the Chinese Musicians’ Association, the Chinese Film Workers’ Association, the Chinese Dramatists’ Association, the Chinese Dancers’ Association, the Chinese Ballad Singers’ Association, the Chinese Artists’ Association, the Chinese Calligraphers’Association, the China Society for the Study of Folk Literature and Art, the Chinese Photographers’ Society, and the Chinese Acrobats’ Association. All these associations are people’s cultural organizations.

New culture ....

In 1949 the CCP starts to eradicate all cultural expressions from capitalist countries and cultural traditions from China’s imperial past. "In the absence of the old culture, a new culture with a new set of values and concepts had to be established not only for mass consumption but more importantly, for the new regime to win popular support and turn the public into “new citizens.” However, in the immediate post-liberation era it was not realistic for the Chinese regime to quickly build a new culture entirely from scratch, nor was it necessary to do so when such a culture could be readily imported from the “Soviet big brother” and modified to suit the needs of the CCP"
Li Yan (2012) In search of a socialist modernity movies. The Chinese introduction of Soviet culture. Page 18
Smith (2015) notices "...policy towards cultural heritage oscillated between an exclusivist ‘class’ or ‘proletarian’ pole and a more inclusivist, ‘national’ pole...the CCP was unremittingly hostile to popular religion, for example, while broadly positive towards traditional practices such as landscape painting or calligraphy."
Smith S.A. (2015). Contentious Heritage: The Preservation of Churches and Temples in Communist and Post-Communist Russia and China. Page 180. He remarks further on "buildings, being made of materials that decayed rapidly, required frequent reconstruction, and this may have been a factor that made the literati less concerned about the continuity and authenticity of the built environment than their western counterparts." Page 190
The CCP controls the 2 major channels by which artists are able to gain regular access to the public, these are art publications and exhibitions. In 1949 more than forty different cultural magazines and journals start to publish. All publications are sponsored and edited by official organisations or cultural institutions.
"Exhibitions, as the second major channel by which Chinese artists gained access to a public audience, also came under the strict control of official art organisations at the national and local level...Artists were themselves effectively precluded from organising their own exhibitions partly due to the monopoly of control held by the Artists' Association and the Ministry of Culture over all suitable public display areas, and partly due to what one artist and art critic termed "the unwritten law that says you do not attempt to hold exhibitions without official permission
Galikowski Maria B. (1990). Art and Politics in China, 1949-1986. Pages 16-17
See below
After 1949 the mindset of the ‘people’ has to alter. Workers are no longer portrayed as "… victim of severe exploitation and mistreatment’, a role characterized by passivity and submissiveness. The new political culture and political discourse not only consolidated a new form of worker subjectivity, but wrought enormous changes on the urban fabric itself."
Gang Luo (2012) Socialist Shanghai, the struggle for space, and the production of space: a reading of the urban text and the media text. Page 475
A city like Shanghai is no longer seen as a city of consumption but by transition (urban planning for Shanghai has ideological considerations; making the working class master of their own affairs, changing the colonialist face of the city, and demonstrating the superiority of socialism) changed to one of production.
This transformation evokes resistance and in 1951 a meeting of more than eight hundred artists and writers is held.
Zhou Yang
Zhou Yang (1908-1989) Vice chairman of the China Federation of Literary and Arts Circles
"listed three major mistakes of artists: emphasizing individual experience over identifying with the masses, being reluctant to engage in the work of popularization, and ignoring the study of political ideology "
Geng Yan (2018).Mao’s Images Artists and China’s 1949 transition. Page 6

Socialist realism ....

In 1953 the emphasis in art changes from popularization into "socialist realism". Zhou Yang stresses the importance of the Party’s policy as the guideline of art production and "...that it was essential for artists to depict the relation between the Party and the people, the leadership of the Party, the model Party members, and the merits of the people’s democracy system. In the meantime Zhou Yang stressed that socialist realism must have nationalistic style and rigor. The new task of artists and writers, he said, was to systematically study the native heritage so that socialist realism would be rooted in China’s own tradition and to transform the tradition into new people’s art."
Geng (2018).Mao’s Images. Pages 6-7
Tang (2015) supplements "...a (...)shift from a Western-oriented outlook and city-centered modern imagination, which had been the hallmark of May Fourth anti-traditionalism. The new program was one of rediscovery and affirmation of native resources attributed to the Chinese people, itself now proclaimed and called upon as the historic subject and mainstay of a national liberation. Moreover, the program turned the artist’s self-transformation into an integral part of the creative process, with a meaningful synthesis of art and life, self and nation, posited as its dialectical and fulfilling outcome."
Tang Xiaobing (2015). Visual culture in contemporary China : paradigms and shifts. Page 26
Landsberger (2014) articulates "Socialist Realism focused on industrial plants, blast furnaces, power stations, construction sites and people at work; and, less frequently, on happy peasants bringing in bumper harvests of grain, cotton and vegetables; this assorted catalogue of success and abundance stressed the importance of the economic and industrial development of the country. "
Landsberger Stefan R. (2014). Dreaming the Chinese Dream How the People’s Republic of China Moved from Revolutionary Goals to Global Ambitions. Page 251
Zhang (2004) shows in a diagram the difference between the socialist cinema and the bourgeois cinema.

Source: Zhang Yingjin (2004). Chinese national cinema. Routledge Page 202

In short socialist realism has to show society as it should be.
Art creates also prestige on an international scale. Culture exchanges is an instrument in the cold war. Both the SU and the US try to expand their sphere of influence. One of the instruments is cultural diplomacy. In East Asia the US focuses on Taiwan and Hong Kong to counter the growing influence of the SU on the mainland. The SU is the coordinator of a cultural network from Eastern Europe to Korea and Vietnam in the east. The exchanges consist of mutual visits and performances by delegations of writers, orchestras, and artists and also in interactions between students in arts. "The arrival of visiting delegations from the Soviet Union in particular provided the newly founded nation with legitimacy and proved that the PRC was accepted as member of the socialist world."
Volland Nicolai (2008) Translating the Socialist State: Cultural Exchange, National Identity, and the Socialist World in the Early PRC. Page 55. For example: Sino-Vietnam Friendship Association is founded in February 1950, Sino-Hungarian cultural agreement is signed in July 1951, Sino-Hungarian accord on the exchange of films is signed in August 1951, Sino- East German cultural agreement is signed in Novermber 1951, Sino-Czechoslovakian cultural agreement is signed in May 1952 and a ten-year Sino-Mongolian Agreement on Economic and Cultural Cooperation is signed in October 1952.
A large delegation of 400 members (writers, musicians, artists, and athletes) took part of the fourth World Youth Festival (Bucharest, Romania). This festival (2-16 August 1953), had over 28,000 participants from 106 nations.
Geng (2018) describes the period between 1949-1954 "The Chinese art world of this transitional period as well is complex, even baffling. These initial years were preoccupied with the forceful establishment of Communist control over the art circles and the tactical cooperation with non-Communist artists. The commingling of artists from different backgrounds generated much tension within the new system. While non-Communist artists grappled with the shifting political situation, the Communist Party also faced considerable friction and unexpected resistance from within."
Geng (2018). Mao’s Images. Page 1

Protection ....

Shortly after the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Government issues the Temporary Measures on the Prohibition against the Exit of Precious Cultural Relics and Books. It is an attempt to "...protect [China’s] cultural heritage and to prevent precious cultural relics and books relating to the revolution, history, culture, and arts from leaving the country. 62 The law ...also includes a new category of “revolutionary documents and artifacts."
Lau Tomothy (2011). The Grading of Cultural Relics in Chinese Law. Page 27. Already in 1932 the CCP issued regulations for the preservation of revolutionary materials and ancient cultural relics. See also Lu Di Yin (2016). From Trash to Treasure: Salvage Archaeology in the People’s Republic of China, 1951–1976. Enteringd Beijing, the PLA are under strict orders to avoid damaging the Forbidden City and other cultural historic sites.
From 1952 onwards a salvage archaeology program starts in order to rescue valuable papers and books because paper manufacturers throughout the country are purchasing used books as well as newspapers and other scrap paper for pulping. Not only the pulping destroyed many books, in 1950 a campaign of book burning starts. The Commercial Press had published some 15,000 titles, by the late summer of 1950, only 8,800 remained. At the end of November, 1951, 1,354 remained, or 14 percent of the original stock, among books on literature, history and geography, only five to six percent of the original collection survived, Amonq books on social science, three percent survived.
Page 8-9 Liu Alan P. (1965 ). Book publishing in communist China. Massachusetts
Also art object (often bronze) are purchased to be used in the process of steel production. See below

Movies ....

In his talks Mao Zedong makes no mention of movies, but the same guiding lines apply for this art form.
Andrews (1990)notices: "Distinction is made here between meishu, art that is limited to the visual arts, and the much broader term yishu, arts. Yishu encompasses meishu, but also includes drama, opera, music, and film, realms of greater immediate concern to Mao than pictorial art. The title of Mao’s 1942 cultural manifesto, “Yan’an Talks on Literature and Art” refers to yishu."Andrews, Julia F. (1990). Traditional Painting in New China: Guohua and the Anti-Rightist Campaign. Note7 Page 561
The CCP recognizes the importance of films as an easy way to reach a big audience with their political messages.
Immediately the new regime starts to promote the viewing of movies. They use different methods to achieve this. First of all they reduce the price difference between movie theatres and in so doing made the theatres more accessible to ordinary citizens. “Likewise the number of film exhibitions outlets nationwide increased rapidly (…). Upon ‘liberation’ there were approximately 600 movie theaters in China, most of which concentrated in large coastal cities.5 The total number of exhibition outlets in 1960 was reported to be 16,849, which included 2,020 movie theaters, 3,051 film clubs and 11,151 film projection teams. At this point, the entire film exhibition system employed 66, 687 workers.”
Zhou Chenshu (2016). The versatile film projectionist: How to show films and serve the people in the 17 years period, 1949–1966. Journal of Chinese Cinemas, Page 5. Movie attendance grew correspondingly: 47 million in 1949, 146 million in 1950, 560 million in 1952, 752 million in 1953 and 822 million in 1954
Secondly they organize travelling film exhibition teams to bring films to remote areas throughout the country. The film projectionist has an important task in tailoring film experience to different audiences, “(they) spoke local dialects or ethnic languages and even adopted various forms of folk art (folk song, folk opera, etc.) to introduce a film before the film screening and to comment on the film during the screening so that the audience would correctly “appreciate” the film. After each film screening, seminars or discussion groups were organized to reinforce the intended political message."
Lu Xiaoning (2008). Biopolitics and Cinema: Practices, Representations, and the Moulding of the Socialist Subject in China, 1949-1966. PhD. Thesis Stony Brook University. Page 11
The training of the film projectionists is a state project. The Central Film Bureau starts a three-month schooling program for over 1800 projectionists. Later on tens of thousands of projectionists are sent to film theaters, factories, universities, mines, armed forces and the countryside. Yet Johnson (2015) remarks "... From the perspective of the population, state- produced culture was not always regularly available, particularly for those residing in remote, or fiscally impoverished, locations. By contrast, municipal cadre- officials and their families were reported making free use of the system and its resources, including tickets to performances and private screenings of foreign films. 53 Military personnel and union members were entitled to discounts and other forms of preferential treatment, such as exclusive and air- conditioned facilities and leisure clubs. 54 Even beyond the Shanghai- based ranks of the Communist Party, urbanites were, on average, more regular attendees of cultural activities."
Johnson (2015)Beneath the Propaganda State: Official and Unofficial Cultural Landscapes in Shanghai, 1949–1965 Pages 209-210
Thirdly they organize several film weeks in several cities across the mainland. In 1950 in Beijing a People’s Democratic Republic Nations film week is organized which shows movies from eight communist countries. In the following 2 years only the Soviet Film Exhibition is launched nationwide. For example in big cities like Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou but also in southwestern and northwestern provincial capitals. (For instance, in 1954, a Soviet film week was held in thirty Chinese cities.) "Official statistics reveal that between 1949 and 1956, 19 exhibitions known as ‘Film Weeks’ (dianyingzhou) and featuring films from 12 countries were launched in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) (Chronicles 2005, 31)."
Ma Ran (2016). A genealogy of film festivals in the People’s Republic of China: ‘film weeks’ during the ‘Seventeen Years’ (1949–1966), New Review of Film and Television Studies, 14,1, Pages 40-41. See also Document: 12-01-1954 Decision concerning Establishing a Film Screening Network and a Film Industry
The success backfires sometimes "As public outdoor film screenings began appearing regularly in more rural environs, for example, enormous numbers of onlookers created higher risks of injury, and even death, due to overcrowding; this situation occurred several times during 1952."
Johnson Matthew D. (2015).Beneath the Propaganda State: Official and Unofficial Cultural Landscapes in Shanghai, 1949–1965. Page 209

American Movies
In October 1949 a film censorship regulation is issued. 3 types of films are prohibited: anti-communist, anti-Soviet Union and those which are racist, pornographic or superstitious. The directive left much room for interpretation.
Document: 22-02-1949 Instructions to Peng Zhen and Others concerning Agreeing to Organize a Film Examination Committee in Beiping.
After 1949 until May 1951 hundreds of pre-revolution Chinese films are shown in Shanghai, along with Hong Kong movies. Although there were still a small number of martial arts productions made between 1938 and 1949, the genre disappeared altogether on the Chinese mainland for three decades.
The Hong Kong Wenhua Studio still made martial movies in Cantonese for the mainland market, for example: "Xue Gang's Adventure in the Lantern Festival" released in July 1949 and "Hu Weiqian Smashes the Engine Room" (1950). "To a large degree, the Shanghai based martial arts film manifested a good mixture of traditional Chinese culture, modern technology, and highly professionalized industrial strategies. The CCP took the martial arts film to task for its ideological backwardness, especially its association with feudalism and vulgar commercialism. Therefore, the production center of martial arts films moved from Shanghai to Hong Kong after 1949."Lu Xiaoning (2008). Biopolitics and Cinema: Practices, Representations, and the Moulding of the Socialist Subject in China, 1949-1966. Page 33
In 1949 almost 70% of the shown movies are of American origin. In the spring of 1950 a new quota system is announced. 50 to 55% of the screen time is reserved for domestic productions, 20 to 25% for SU films and no more than 20 to 30% is reserved for US and British movies.

Source: Matthew David Johnson, “International and wartime origins of the propaganda state : the motion picture in China, 1897-1955” University of California, San Diego 2008 Page 423

This quota system is partly introduced to reduce the influence of American movies and partly under pressure of many Chinese well-known directors, scriptwriters, and movie stars in order to protect the native film industry. “The CCP did not want to repeat the Nationalist mistake of alienating itself from the urban population and did not deem it wise to ban all Hollywood films because they were very popular in Shanghai. As Xia Yan, Deputy Director of the Office of Cultural Commission, put it, "We can change the old political system overnight, but not people's habits and taste for things ... for this and other reasons, we decided not to do anything too drastic about American films.,,20 In line with this policy, Beijing's Film Bureau recruited employees knowledgeable about American films to ensure competence and fairness in its dealings with Hollywood. 21”
Xiao Zhiwei (2004). The Expulsion of American Films from China, 1949-1950. Page 66. Chen Yi, the mayor of Shanghai reveals the dilemmma "Shanghai has many theatres, book markets and entertainment centers like the Great World. The number of people who directly and indirectly depend on such enterprises for their livelihood must amount to more than three-hundred thousand. If we take a hard line approach to this issue we will immediately have the problem of feeding these people [in the entertainment sector] who no longer have employment. At present, we have no new entertainment programs. In the last few years, only The White-haired Girl [baimaonu] has been produced. No one can expect people to watch The White-haired Girl day after day. Therefore, it is important to implement change gradually. I reckon it will take ten years to be in line with the demands of worker-peasant-soldier [gongnongbing] policy. If we take everything and turn it around now, that would be very satisfying but there will also be those three hundred thousand people with nothing to eat. If people have no food, they will come and petition the city government. At that point, if you try to teil them about the worker-peasant-soldier policy, they'11 tear your head off. It is easy to turn everything upside down and criticize this and that. It is not so easy, however, to assess the real situation and from there try to change it step by step.51" Cited in Cambon Maria (1986). The dream palaces of Shanghai. American films in China's largest metropolis 1920-1950. Page 202
After 1949 most workers in the film industry kept their job, only active collaborators with the Japanese occupiers are punished and removed from the film industry.

Until November 1950 American movies are shown in Shanghai, as are hundreds of pre-revolution Chinese films. The main reason for allowing these movies is that an immediate ban will lead to economic problems for the cinemas. The CCP starts a campaign in which the act of watching American movies is seen as decadent, unprogressive and unpatriotic. In 1922 the CCP already denounces American movies for being over-sexualized, unhealthy. Chen (2007) cites an article which “…suggested that American films used sexual imagery to seduce the Chinese, and that watching American films was like smoking opium for the ways in which it enabled imperialism to flourish in China."
Chen Tina Mai (2007). "Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969" Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 18, 2. Page 74
Tickets for American movies are priced higher than SU or Chinese movies. Partly to keep the audience away and partly to get higher tax revenue for the government. Soviet films are often screened in the morning because they yield a lower box office profit. The movie theaters have also to deal with free showing of SU movies and Chinese docu-dramas in factories and workers clubs.
In October 1950 after the invasion of the Chinese People's Volunteers (CPV) in Korea, American and British movies are banned, and the control on Chinese private studios became tighter. ” Some, including several Cantonese films, were simply restricted to limited engagements at a handful of theaters, essentially creating massive financial losses for their producers.”
Johnson Matthew David (2008). International and wartime origins of the propaganda state : the motion picture in China, 1897-1955. Page 89
During the sanfan campaign (see Article 18 ) several film makers are accused of financial malfeasance and former filmmaker of the GMD occupied areas are suspected of wrong thoughts.
Chinese Movies
As soon as the CCP controlled the northeast of China the Japanese film studio was taken over. The Northeast Film Studio became the first state-owned film studio of the PRC. In 1950 the studio had finished 13 feature films. Between 1949-1954 the dominant tone of filmmaking is (melo)drama. . “The urgent tasks for New China cinema were to legitimize the new social order and to mobilize people to participate in socialist construction by appealing to their emotions. This was illustrated in the two slogans - "worker-peasant-soldier films" and "representing grand subjects" - that had been promulgated as guidelines for filmmaking in the formative years of PRC cinema.1”
Bao Ying (2008). The Problematics of Comedy: New China Cinema and the Case of Lü Ban. Modern Chinese Literature and Culture, 20, 2, Foreign Language Publications. Page 195. "In March 1951, a one-month exhibition of films produced by state-owned studios' was held in 26 cities, presenting 20 feature films and 6 documentaries, which marked the first achievement of the socialist cinema. Ideologically motivated, many of the films were produced to glorify the CCP's military victories during the anti-Japanese war and the following civil war, or the revolutionary deeds of the Communist martyrs." Yu Hongmei (2008).The politics of images: Chinese cinema in the context of globalization. Page 62
The CCP formulates several goals for the film industry. It has to establish an independent and self-sufficient national cinema as an instrument to propagate its policy and ideology. "… and create a revolutionary aesthetics that negotiates foreign cinematic precedents (classical Hollywood narration, Soviet montage, and Japanese animation techniques, for instance) with Chinese aesthetic traditions in literature, opera, drama, and painting.”
Chan Ka Yee (2012). Looking to the East: Chinese Revolutionary Cinema 1949-1966. PhD. university of Minnesota. Page 12
Cinema is seen as a modernization project, it reflects the ongoing socialist construction in China. Between 1949 and February 1951 the 7 private studios receive loans totaling 21 million yuan. The government also provides film stock and equipment.
The influence of the Hong Kong film industry should not be underestimated. Johnson (2008) states “Often overlooked in histories of the mainland film industry, Hong Kong also represented an important location for Communist networking and cultural organization prior to takeover, as well as an important conduit through which artistic talent was recruited back to Shanghai after 1949. Some of the most prominent Communist affiliated writers and filmmakers—including future central leaders Guo Moruo, Mao Dun (Shen Yanbing), Yang Hansheng, Xia Yan, Yu Ling, and Ouyang Yuqian—had gathered there in mid-1948 to escape Nationalist capture.”
Johnson (2008). International and wartime origins. Page 353
From 1950 on, an annual production plan is developed and the content has been determined. The themes are: CCP’s struggle against the Japanese and the GMD; the socialist construction; land reform ; world peace (Korea War); minorities; science; historical figures, especially peasant rebels, patriotic heroes and heroines, and artists and scientists; adaptations of literary classics and Chinese mythologies and other subjects including public security personnel, scientists, teachers, medical workers, students, children, and fishermen. Bao(2008) remarks "..., comedy as a genre was notably underdeveloped and marginalized in the period from 1949 to 1955. The dominant mode of filmmaking in the first few years of New China was (melo)dramas that offer moral edification and celebrate the triumph of revolutionary virtue over reactionary villainy. The urgent task for the New China cinema was to legitimize the new social order by appealing to people’s emotion. "
Bao Ying (2008) In search of laughter in Maoist china: Chinese comedy film 1949-1966. Page 51
In 1953 the Central News Documentary Film Studio is founded, it produces films with topics on national news, military life, natural scenery and sports events.
"In 1951 Beijing Film Studio’s camera crew produced short documentaries such as Intelligence from the Korean Western Frontier ( 朝鲜西线捷报 ) (Dec 1951) and Over the 38 th Parallel, Seoul was Freed ( 突破三八线解放汉城 ) (1951)...In 1952, when the war went through many phases of truce and hostility, a series of documentaries were produced and screened in China: War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, Part 2 ( 抗美援朝 ( 第二部 )), We Oppose Germ Warfare ( 反对细菌战 ) (1952), Chinese People Dispatch a Delegation to Comfort North Korea ( 中国人民赴朝慰问团 ) (1952), and Exchange of Injured Prisoners of War ( 交换病伤战俘 ) (1953)...After the end of the Korean War ...Comforting the Cutest Person ( 慰问最可爱的人 ) (1953), An Unbreakable Transportation Line ( 钢铁运输线 ) (1954), Leniency to the Prisoners of War ( 宽待俘虏 ) (1954), Hurrah for the Friendship ( 友谊万岁 ) (1954), and At the Datong River ( 大同江上 ) (1954)." Sun Kezhi, Xu Dan (2014) Chinese Documentaries and the Korean War. Page 145-146
In the beginning Chinese directors considered the American movies as their source of inspiration, they try to mix the political correctness and commercial appeal. “The Western lifestyle and the Hollywood model that the film was supposed to criticize were part of its appeal, a fact both critics and the audience quickly picked up.”
Ying (2008). The Problematics of Comedy. Page 195
The CCP decides to reverse this trend and starts sending Chinese study group of filmmakers to the SU to learn about various practices in the Soviet film industry. They have to learn revolutionary realism and not to identify with the petty bourgeoisie and not to cater to the tastes of politically backward citizens.
Serious critique arose after the release of the movie “The life of Wu Xun” (February 1951). The film was a great success and praised by a number of high-level Party officials (including Zhou Enlai ). Mao Zedong condemned the movie for promoting feudal culture and reactionary ideology. “Although no artists or officials were punished, the association of a film on a historical figure with reactionary ideas deterred filmmakers from moving ahead on projects they feared could bring official censure on them. Film production declined precipitously from fifty-six films in 1950 to one short film in 1951 and four feature films in 1952. Concerns for political safety overrode desires for artistic creativity for many in the film industry who were unsure of how to function in the new political environment. “
20-05-1951 Mao Zedong "Pay serious attention to the discussion of the film the life of Wu Hsun Wang Zheng (2017). Finding Women in the State a socialist feminist revolution in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1964. University of California Press. Page 170. Wang (2014) remarks "In 1951, the campaign radically disrupted the long-time cooperation between the CCP and Shanghai private studio left-wing, or progressive (jinbu), film artists. The progressive artists, who had joined the PRC film industry as both celebrities of film and important allies of the CCP, now lost their artistic and political privileges, and their filmmaking legacy was in crisis. ...Filmmakers with a Yan’an background benefited from the lack of competition with the marginalized Shanghai artists and attained higher political and artistic status." Wang Zhuoyi (2014). Revolutionary Cycles in Chinese Cinema, 1951–1979. Page 16. Xie (2012) observes "“the Temporary Measures on Feature Film Scripts Censorship (draft)” issued by State Administration Council in 1953, a film script must be approved by four departments, namely, studio’s screenplay writing section, the CFB’s (Chinese Film Bureau) art commission, the CFB’s standing vice director, and the standing vice minister of Culture before it could acquire the license for production. In 1954, another two departments, the studio’s literature department and art committee, were added into the process. If the script involved “Party history, important political events or the appearance of Party leaders,” it would be brought to the Party’s CDP for approval. In total, a film script must be censored up to seven times before its production." Xie Tianhai (2012). Repression and Ideological Management: Chinese Film Censorship after and Its Impacts on Chinese Cinema. Florida state university. Page 42
This clash can be interpreted as a struggle between urban-based underground (before 1949) artists with “May Fourth New Culture and left -wing literary frameworks, practices, and artistic tastes” and the rural-based CCP a predominantly military camp with peasants as its rank and file.
Wang (2017). Finding Women. Page 180
Wang (2011) argues that the campaign against the movie “The life of Wu Xun” is not only ideological but also economic. “A crucial reason for the crisis of the private studio film-making legacy was the Party’s need economically to transform the film industry from the private sector to the public sector. While private studio artists actively adapted their legacy to meet new political conditions, they fell victim to the campaign for standing in the way of this economic transformation. The campaign privileged Party authorities and critics and marginalized Shanghai private studio artists, who would change their economic position by joining state-owned studios and further remake their legacy in the hope of regaining their celebrity status.”
Wang Zhuoyi (2011) From The Life of Wu Xun to the career of Song Jingshi — Crisis and adaptation of private studio film-making legacy: 1951–1956. Page 15. "A number of new elites rose to prominence in this new order. Film critic Zhong Dianfei was one of them. Zhong quickly became an authoritative critic and cultural bureaucrat for attacking private studio films during the campaign against The Life of Wu Xun.Together with Mao’s wife,Jiang Qing, Zhong was a key member of an investigation team set up to expose the protagonist Wu Xun’s “reactionary” history." Wang (2014) Revolutionary cycles. Page 8
The criticism extended to all other private studio productions. Several communist leaders (including Zhou Enlai) and directors have to make self-criticism. In 1952 all private studios are nationalized, 3 years ahead of other economic sectors. A dual process of combining state planning with financial self-sufficiency is introduced. The projection teams, a very expansive propaganda tool, are responsible for financing their own equipment. Often when the projection team first arrived in an area, the team was asked to discuss current affairs before screening the film, and this was simultaneously interpreted by multiple interpreters who translated into a few local minority languages. “(O)nly in poorer provinces and non-Han regions where establishing national identity was considered to be of pressing urgency were state subsidies to remain at high levels.”
Johnson (2008). Page 406

Movies about the life of minorities were distinctly different from ‘Han’ movies. The minority women ”… are dressed in colorful outfits with carefully decorated and distinctly female accessories, women that make embroidery for their lovers and sing songs and play music for them. All these gender specific depictions of women, which were taboo in most films in the Seventeen Years Period (1949-1966), are performed without disguise. While these ethnic minority women were allowed to embrace their femininity and individualized practices, they were not a self-defined femininity and set of practices, rather at set defined by the framework of the CCP’s identity building, unifying, and women’s emancipation political campaigns. Because minority women’s “femaleness,” a gender identity longed for by their Han counterparts, was and continues to be used as a function of “internal Orientalism,” the seeming versatility and freedom it provides for its onscreen beneficiaries remained constrained by this framework.”
Brown Laura Damara (2012). Filmic discourse on ethnic minority women in Chinese cinema: Women’s liberation and national identity in the Seventeen Years Period. Master thesis. Colombia university. Page 47
Lu (2014) concludes "...ethnicity was rather an artificial construction than a scientifically identifiable object. This genre of film neither intends to create essentialist knowledge of specific nationality, nor does it aim to construct an ethnic norm."
Lu Xiaoning (2014). The Politics of Recognition and Constructing Socialist Subjectivity: reexamining the national minority film (1949–1966). Page 386

Source: Johnson V. (2008).International and wartime origins of the propaganda state : the motion picture in China, 1897-1955” University of California, San Diego. Page 380

On August 1, 1952 the PLA Film Studio is founded. It produces films for military indoctrination.
The PRC exported 1309 films in the period between 1949-1957. These films films were sent to both socialist and non-socialist countries, with the percentage of full-length films sent to socialist countries ranging from a high of 77.4 per cent in 1951 to a low of 38 per cent in 1957. The films reached global audiences of over 344 million with many featured in international film festivals. Of these exported films, 662 were full-length feature films, 156 full-length documentaries, 18 short scientific films (only after 1955) and 473 other short films. (Of which more than 386 after 1954).
Chen T. M. (2009). International film circuits and global imaginaries in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–57. Page 150
Chen (2009) emphasizes the importance of this export “We need to consider how Chinese films portraying struggles against imperialist forces and the Guomindang not only promoted a national narrative for consumption within China but, through specific export patterns in Eastern Europe, allowed China to claim a position in revolutionary history second only to the USSR.”
Chen (2009). International film circuits. Page 154
The page Chinese movies 1949-1954 shows the production of mainland movies between 1949-1954.
Soviet Union movies
As in many other aspects of the Chinese society “learning from the SU” is introduced in the Chinese film making. Beginning with re-editing, translating and dubbing of Soviet movies. (In the period between 1949-1954 more than 60 SU movies are translated or dubbed) Most of the audience are not familiarized with SU movies. Nor with the Soviet culture and history. By “…providing an introduction before the show, explaining the plots during the show, and holding discussions after the show,” film projection teams brought home to the audience the meaning of each Soviet film.”
Li (2012) In search of a socialist modernity movies. Page 173. "China’s increased film import through Sovexportfilm (the film import and export department of the USSR) and the popularity of these films among Chinese audiences greatly pleased Soviet cultural authorities, who attached much importance to creating and maintaining the Soviet image and popularizing Soviet ideology via the distribution of cinema. As a result, the prestige that Soviet culture enjoyed in China enhanced Sino-Soviet alliance, which gave more status to the young socialist state in the international arena. In this way, the introduction of Soviet culture paved the way for China’s internationalization amid Cold War isolation from the capitalist camp.13" Li (2012), Page 16-17
Later several Chinese film makers are sent to Moscow to learn from the Soviet directors. The Soviet movies are considered as “ideologically correct” and are seen as a model of socialist cinema. The Soviet movies are studied and the doctrine of “socialist realism” is made the guiding principle of moviemaking. Besides distrust of the class biases of the directors of the private film studios, a third reason to "learn from SU" is the belief in proletarian internationalism. Soviet World War II films are shown to CPV soldiers to show that this war is part of the struggle of socialist states to survive.
See Chen Tina Mai (2004). Internationalism and cultural experience soviet films and popular Chinese understandings of the future in the 1950s. Pages 85, 94. Cambon cites a Chinese movie critic from Mei Duo in 1950 "We are against the idea that says even though Russian films are good doesn't mean they have no short-comings and even though American films are bad doesn't mean they don't have good points. This point of view has no principle and is not a position of the people. Why? Because though Russian films may have artistic highs and lows, they serve and educate the people and are basically good. But American films are basically bad, they serve American imperialism and capitalism. Yes, Hollywood had Progressive filmmakers, but they have been si-lenced.81" Cambon Maria (1986). The dream palaces of Shanghai. American films in China's largest metropolis 1920-1950. Page 216
The Soviet movies showed a vision of the future of China not only in economic but also social “Using the image of “happy, emancipated women” in Soviet films as a concrete example, the CCP furnished women with basic knowledge about socialism and the path for “women’s liberation.” At the same time, by advocating the socialist womanhood idealized by Soviet cinema, the PRC government educated Chinese women along party lines about how to handle relations between the state and the individual, how to manage love, marriage, family, and work, and why one should bring all this in line with the “historical task” of building socialism in China. In this way Soviet films helped the Chinese government quickly incorporate the female population into socialist state formation.” But not only for women the SU is an example. "For the CCP, Soviet culture represented the most advanced socialist achievements and therefore would be the most suitable material for creating China’s 'socialist new man.'" Page 18
Li (2012). In search. Page 190
See also Article 6.
As the Chinese spectators become more used to the Soviet movies, the popularity increases. Movies like Tractor Drivers (1939; PRC 1951), Kuban Cossacks (1949; PRC 1950), and Tales of the Siberian Land (1947; PRC 1951) The Fall of Berlin (1949; PRC 1950) Village Schoolteacher (1947; PRC 1950), She Defends the Motherland (1943; PRC 1951). Village Schoolteacher and She Defends the Motherland were among the first films to be imported into the PRC and dubbed in Chinese in 1950. The founding of two dubbing studios in Changchun (1949) and Shanghai (1950) helped to broaden the scope of audiences for foreign films. The audience numbers for Tractor Drivers and Kuban Cossacks exceeded 17 million each in their first two years of circulation. Soviet actors and actress are increasingly popular.


Source: Tam King-fai and Wesoky Sharon R. (2017) Not Just a Laughing Matter: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Political Humor. Springer. Page 61 "
The new regime starts promoting SU movies as the new model of filmmaking. The Chinese films produced after 1949 reflect more and more the CCP’s political and ideological agenda and less the taste of the audience.

Literature ....

The New Culture Movement of 1915-1919 and the May Fourth Movement of 1919-1921 mark a significant turn in literature, for instance the use of vernacular language and the rejection of using literary language and forms. Most writers see themselves as political figures, the social and political implications of their works are more important than their aesthetic value.
Hong (2007) notices the existence of a large group of “liberal writers”, they did not have similar opinions with regard to the ‘independent” nature of literature. "Their fundamental points were that literature should not become a slave of politics or religion, writers should be loyal to art, persist in “independent knowledge and experience,” and create “outstanding works that withstand the tests of time.” Yet, although these writers strenuously opposed literature’s dependence on politics, it was difficult to avoid making a choice about current politics."
Hong Zicheng (2007).A History of Contemporary Chinese Literature. Pages 6-7. Some like, Shen Congwen, retreat from the literary world and becomes an art historian, others, like Xiao Qian, start working for the CCP. Huangfu Jenny (2010). Roads to Salvation: Shen Congwen, Xiao Qian and the Problem of Non-Communist Celebrity Writers, 1948-1957
Hong also notes that the ‘left wing’ literature became the most influential faction by the late 1940’s. "Their main post-war work was to work for the dissemination of the “new direction for literature and art” established by the rectification of literature and the arts in Yan’an, and, following on from political and military victory, to facilitate its popularization throughout the country until the ideal “integration” of literary forms had been realized."
Hong (2007). History. Page 8 (Zhou Enlai estimated in 1949 that there were about 60,000 writers and artists active in Communist armies (of whom 25,000 to 30,000 in the PLA) and base areas, and about 10,000 in the Nationalist Party-controlled areas who adhered to what he described as the "new school" of literature and art.)
Mao Zedong sees only one way "If our writers and artists who come from the intelligentsia want their works to be well received by the masses, they must change and remould their thinking and their feelings. Without such a change, without such remoulding, they can do nothing well and will be misfits." Mao Zedong adopts Lenin’s statement, that of literature as "cog and screw" in the revolutionary machinery, in order to achieve this, intellectuals are sent to the countryside or factories to study "… the peasants’ and workers’ ways of speaking, and also to learn from native storytelling, artistic, or dramatic traditions, which they would then import into their own work, thus making it more accessible to the people."
Fleit Hang Krista Van (2013). Literature the People Love: Reading Chinese Texts from the Early Maoist Period (1949 –1966). Page 3.
In other words, artists change from an active force in the political arena before 1942 to a passive group to be acted on. Those writers who did not accommodate, receives different levels of punishment. The mildest form was self-criticism. It was followed by re-education in the countryside, army or factories.
Ba Jin
Ba Jin (1904–2005) Chinese writer political activist.
,
Cao Yu
Cao Yu (1910–1996) a Chinese playwright.
and
Ai Wu
Ai Wu (1904–1992) a Chinese writer.
were sent either to North Korean Front or the factories after the 'Life of Wu Xun' Affair in 1950. See above
Kam Lee Kwok Ping Vivien (1985). 'The Literary Profession and Domestic Politics in the People's Republic of China, 1950-1980.' Page 26
Popularization of literature is more important than the raising of standards. The distribution of the new political message has more priority than artistic quality. "Artistic quality was also hoped for, and one of the purposes of sending professionals to help amateurs was precisely that of raising the standard of amateur productions. It was hoped, however, that they would not set standards so high as to discourage the amateurs."
Judd Ellen Ruth (1973). A study of directed change in Chinese literature and art. Page 255
O’Dell (2000) notices between 1945-1955 several fundamental developments in Chinese literature. An important one is revolutionary heroism. This development is brought about by: "The author's political background - The author's concern for the reader/audience - Placement of the 'hero' - The hero's position in society. The job of the hero in literature was to express large historical accounts that occurred during liberation while maintaining a revolutionary posture, therefore the hero was placed in the center and given full right to expand on the author's own experiences."
O'Dell Harrison David (2000). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements in China During two key Ten-year Periods: {1945-1955 Liberation} and {1985-1995 Opening}.Page 8
Other characteristics of the new literature are: The plot of the story is influenced by the sadness of war, the joys of liberation and the need for the Party's internal cohesion. The ideal hero is incapable of presenting typical human instincts, such as self-protection, fear of loss and death. The wedding ceremony is not described as an important event but rather as a work duty.
Nikitina Alexandra (2013). The Face of Emotion in Early Communist China: The Loyalist vs. the Bourgeois Anti-Hero. Pages 2-3
Most works have happy endings with a rosy future looking ahead. Intellectuals-always easily identifiable by their oversized eyeglasses-enter the stage as caricatures: impractical; obfuscating; unintelligible to the masses; mouthing big, empty-sounding slogans.
Wagner Rudolf G. (1990). The PRC intelligentsia: A view from literature. Page 162
Also important is "Since the countryside was seen as the most important front in the change of China, artists had to include carefully chosen details from peasant life in their work in order to prove the authenticity of their representations."
Fleit (2013). Literature the People Love. Page 19. Chen (2011) observes "As alluded to before, worker literature, or “literature with an indus- trial theme” (gongye ticai 工业題材), produced less successful works at first than those described as soldier and peasant literature. After all, as contemporary Chinese literary history has noted, China had been a mostly peasant country, led to socialism by a mostly peasant revolution, whose proletariat class had not yet matured in the classical Marxist sense of the word. In the 1950s and early 1960s, however, poetry—following the path blazed by fiction, drama, and film—expressed the pride of the emerging working class taking its place as new members of socialist China." Chen Xiaomei (2011). Worker-Peasant-Soldier Literature. Page 71
Fisac (2012) notices "The political control imposed during the 1950s affected not only works written and published during that period but also those published earlier, especially if they had become popular. Texts considered incompatible with CCP ideology or precepts were banned outright.16 Another factor affecting the rewriting of literary texts was the Party’s language policy: standardization of the language was actively promoted from the early 1950s onwards."
Fisac Taciana (2012). “Anything at Variance With it Must be Revised Accordingly”: Rewriting Modern Chinese Literature During the 1950s. Page 134
In the beginning of the 1950’s there is an influx of Soviet literature (Between 1949-1953 about 3000 Russian books are translated). Many publishers see the Russian works as a possibility to sustain their revenue and to avoid political sensitivities associated with translations of literature from capitalist nations.
Volland (2008). Translating. Page 62. The works of Sir Walter Scott, Charles Dickens and Katherine Mansfield were all well-received by Chinese readers, as were the works of Upton Sinclair, Jack London, Nathaniel Hawthorne and John Galsworthy from across the Pacific. Mostly Western classics are being translated in GMD-ruled areas. Works by Edgar Snow, Agnes Smedley, Anna Louis Armstrong, and other American correspondents are translated in the CCP controlled areas. Fan Shouyi (1999). Translation of English Fiction and Drama in Modern China: Social Context, Literary Trends, and Impact. Page 164
Especially science fiction and adventure novels are very popular. These popular images of a technologically empowered future fuelled by a superior morality and ideology tied in nicely with the value systems and promises about a future socialist utopia that the CCP sought to disseminate through other channels, while at the same time creating a sense of community, drawing Chinese readers into the orbit of a transnational socialist universe of cultural consumption.
Volland Nicolai (2015).Soviet Spaceships in Socialist China: Reading Soviet Popular Literature in the 1950s . Page 191
Before 1949 the CCP control 2 publishing houses. Sanlian (the result of a merger in 1948 between three leading Shanghai publishers and book stores,) was a product of the United Front approach and worked in urban areas under GMD control. The other publishing house Xinhua was under total control of the CCP and worked in the liberated rural base areas. Volland (2003) remarks:

Source:Liu Alan P. (1965 ). Book publishing in communist China. Massachusetts. Page 20.

Source:Liu Alan P. (1965 ). Book publishing in communist China. Massachusetts. Page 23.

"Sanlian would undoubtedly have provided the better point of departure: it was knowledgeable of the urban industrial and market-driven environment, it had a proven ability of reaching out to intellectuals (an important group whose technical expertise was crucial for the task of socialist construction), and it was financially successful (another important asset at a time of severe fiscal strain). Nonetheless, Sanlian was never seriously considered as a role model; 2 the Party leadership regarded Xinhua as the only viable choice for the modelling of a socialist publication sector. The CCP demanded comprehensive and direct bureaucratic control, even if this would mean operational problems in the short run."
Volland (2003). The control of the media. Pages 244-245
In July 1954 the writer
Hu Feng
Hu Feng (1902–1985) Chinese writer and literary and art theorist.
argues in his "Report on the practice and state of art and literature in recent years" that several writers’ groups should control their own independent publishing houses, with editors appointed by CCP but they should be given absolute authority in editorial matters.
Denton Kirk A. (2002). The Hu Feng Group: The Genealogy of a Literary School (Prepared for Urban Cultural Institutions of Early Twentieth Century China Symposium, The Ohio State University, April 13, 2002) March 1950–People’s Daily publishes two critical articles accusing Ah Long of “resisting Marxist-Leninist Thought regarding the partisan nature of literature and art”, and making him the first victim of literary inquisition under the PRC.
In 1955 Hu Feng was arrested as a counter-revolutionary. See also Article 49

Theater...

In this section several forms of story telling by live performers for a live audience are described. This is not intended to be an exhaustive delineation.
see for example the case study of Link Perry (2007) The Crocodile Bird: Xiangsheng in the Early 1950s. In Brown Jeremy and Pickowicz Paul G. (2007). Dilemmas of victory : the early years of the People’s Republic of China. Perry concludes "...the xiangsheng world, recently elevated to a higher social status, was ready and willing to help. It got organized. It tried various things, some of which worked better than others. It learned from its mistakes and by 1954 was closing in on a pretty good answer to the question of how to make satire fit the goals of the revolution." Page 231
The CCP maintained a strong emphasis on theatrical activities of a mass-oriented mission with particular attention focused on workers and soldiers. The drama continued its service to the political needs of the nation. " In 1953 alone, the state-owned theater troupes gave more than 41,000 performances to an audience of over 45,070,000. Of the total performances, 5,200 were staged in the factories and mines with an audience of 7,910,000; more than 2,500 performances were given in the countryside to an audience of 4,140,000. For the armed forces the number of performances exceeded 5,600 audiences comprised of 7,360,000 soldiers."
Tung Constantine (1987). Drama in the People's Republic of China. Page 4
After 1949 about 3000 cultural workers are sent to the South and Central regions to bolster the land reform campaign. It is impossible for them to reach all the 50 million villagers involved in the land reform. An appeal is made to amateur troops in propagating party policy, mobilizing the masses but the amateur troupes did not receive enough fiscal support needed to properly stage quality dramas that could please a demanding village audiences. "Local cadres quickly realized that cultural performance was the ideal way to spread propaganda, as well as attract interest in political meetings that many villagers found boring. Dramatized narratives were an effective means of creating anger and disseminating Maoist conceptions of village society"
DeMare Brian (2012) Local Actors and National Politics: Rural Amateur Drama Troupes and Mass Campaigns in Hubei Province, 1949-1953. Page 168 .The number of amateur troupes grows from 1000 to 5000 (1951) to 100,000 (rural) 10,000 (workers) in 1954. Liu Alan P. L. (1965). The use of traditional media for modernization in communist China. Page 45
The cadres have to take in account the preferences of their spectators, spoken dramas, northern yangge, and Peking operas find audiences in cities, but are greeted with indifference in the countryside. The interpretation of plays with superstitious, feudal or anti-proletariat themes is left to the local cadres. As a result of these ambiguous instructions, a chaotic situation arose. In some areas, the local cadres forbade the showing of traditional drama of any kind.
Liu (1965) expresses the opinion: "The Communist Chinese modernization effort hit hardest at the traditional media's strongest point, the fact that they were a people's art. The politicizing of theater, story-telling and ballad singing means that they are no longer a people's art but rather a Party's art. They now belong solely to the ruling class, the Communist Party. Structurally it is still an intermediary but substantively it is an instrument of the ruling elite."
Liu (1965). The use of traditional media. Page 87. Liu continues "By fanatical politicizing of every facet of Chinese cullture, Peking ended up in a worse state than before it started. Before, there were groups of professional actors, dramatists, playwrights, story-tellers and singers who had already established their reputation among the masses. These artists were overwhelmingly in support of the new regime, at least in the first few years. They were eager to serve the new government which, they thought, would bring a new and strong China. Instead of utilizing their talents for constructive purpose, Peking pulled the rug from under them. Their art was wrenched away from them by illiterate Party fanatics. And the masses were deprived of an entertainment which was once theirs." Page 91
Financial problems are also the reason private troupes still exist in Shanghai in 1954 "A survey conducted (...) showed that there were 139 troupes and more than 7300 performers of fourteen different types of theater in the city. The political authorities only assigned a minority of them to state-owned performing enterprises because the government could not bear the financial burden of collectivizing a large number of performers, each of whom expected stable monthly salaries. Even the collectivized performers resisted being put into state-owned troupes under centralized management, for their governmental patron paid far less than their value on the market."
Zhou Zhiyi (n.y.) Suzhou in History: City Layout and Urban Culture. Page 58
DeMare (2015) notices "For private troupes, the 1953 policy of “rectification and strengthening” represented just another signpost along the long road of negotiations with an intrusive state presence. These troupes had already undergone repeated “rectifications,” coinciding with the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” campaigns of 1951 and 1952. During these rectifications (...), the Communists forced professional troupes to accept the leadership of their local government, welcome cadres into their ranks as instructors or even troupe leaders, and undergo “democratic reform.” At times, rectification threatened to become a permanent condition, even for troupes that regularly staged modern shows"
DeMare (2015). Mao's cultural army. Page 222 Zhou (n.y.) notices "...Pingtan artists initiated the prohibition themselves not only out of political considerations, but also for economic reasons. Pingtan performers were less likely to succeed in their career if they fled mainland China like many writers, filmmakers and Beijing artists did immediately after 1949, for the form of art was unlikely to survive in an environment where the performing language was barely understood. It was therefore natural for Pingtan performers, whose art was appreciated in no other places than the Yangzi Delta, to collaborate with political authorities" Zhou Zhiyi (n.y.) Suzhou in History. Pages 57-58. See also chapter 2 Cutting the tail: the Founding oF the Shanghai troupe in the early 1950's in He Qiliang (2012). Gilded Voices: Economics, Politics, and Storytelling in the Yangzi Delta Since 1949.
From 1953 onwards Russian drama instructors are invited to teach in Beijing and Shanghai (East China Branch of the Central Drama Institute)
Music and Dance
The status of music performers in imperial China is low, they are regarded to belong to the lowest level of society. In traditional Chinese society, writers and painters belonged to the intellectual elite. The CCP raised the status of musicians and everyone is classified as “art workers”. They lost however the freedom to pursue their art as they saw fit. Two revolutionary operas (Praise the Son-in-Law and The Registry) reflect the new socialist reality, the Beijing opera continues in its traditional path through the first decade of the People’s Republic. Mao lamented this lack of progress by complaining "If nothing else is done, the Ministry of Culture should be renamed the Ministry of Emperors, Kings, Generals, Ministers, Scholars, and Beauties, or else the Ministry of Foreign Things and the Dead."
Cited Ludden Yawen (2013). China's musical revolution: From Beijing opera to Yangbanxi. Page 108
Lü Ji
Lu Ji (1909-2002) President of the the Association of Chinese Music Workers and vice president of the Central Conservatory of Music in Beijing.
states: "We have to realize that the age of piano and violin has gone, it was an old view of the bourgeois individualism epoch. But now it is a new era of the masses. The new music is also in the age of the masses music. The masses music should take vocal music as the major part rather than the musical instruments especially the Western solo instruments including piano and violin"
Cited in Liu Wei (2011). Chinese chorus (contributions to the Chinese choir history) Page 134
He Luting
He Luting (1903-1999) Vice president of the the Association of Chinese Music Workers and president of Shanghai Conservatory of Music.
disagrees and "the general political theory could not replace the specific music theory and techniques. Music was an art which should be practiced with proper techniques. Whether you admited these techniques or not, the level of techniques played a major and decisive role in music. From this point of view, he criticized those “musicians” who had never studied music systematically and had no knowledge in music techniques but only had political enthusiasm, ..."
Cited in Liu Wei (2011). Chinese chorus Page 134
Soon the idea of class perspective of music gets the overhand and although many Chinese musicians create a large amount of choral works in order to serve for the war in Korea, (Examples are Yalu River by
Ma Sicong
Ma Sicong (1912-1987) Violinist, Composer.
, Feihu Mountain Cantata by Zhang Wengang, An Immortal Soldier Huang Jiguang by Shi Yuemeng and Hero Yang Gensi by Zhang Ru.), they are criticized for paying too much attention to human sympathy or kindness and the story in their works seems untrue.
After the Rectification movement of 1942 students start to collect folksong all over the country.
Harrison David (2006). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements in China During two key Ten-year Periods: {1945-1955 Liberation} and {1985-1995 Opening} "The common man has always enjoyed Chinese folk music for centuries, generations always passing on their local songs to younger generations." Page 26. Based on these folk themes "Composers played a vital role in developing politically correct, pleasant sounding, nationally transportable songs. This is no easy task when much of China, then and now, is divided internally between various language, cultural and physical barriers." Page 26
Many of the performers of folk songs are women, often either sold into family troupes or daughters of such families. They have an erotic image. "In the Party’s narrative, singing girls were victims of feudal erotic cultural consumption, capitalist exploitation, and imperialist oppression, the "Three Big Mountains (三座大山 san zuo dashan)." Singing girls, therefore, served perfectly to advance the Party’s multiple goals: women’s liberation, socialist propaganda, and mass mobilization. ...They should improve themselves politically, culturally, and professionally. All regional culture and education bureaus should conduct the education of old performers seriously and cultivate cadres for the reform of traditional opera from this group."
Zhao Mi (2014) From singing girl to revolutionary artist: female entertainers remembering China’s socialist past (1949–the present) Page 170
Although the official CCP policy wants to eliminate erotic elements out of performances of socialist new art, but due to shortage of state grants "The attraction of their beauty and performance then had another practical function—to make money. In other words, socialist principals had to compromise with "feudal" culture and a market that was once occupied by capitalists and imperialists."
Zhao (2014). From singing girl. Page 174
After 1949 this search for folk songs continues. Professional musicians adept most of these songs to bring them to a higher level. Local song and drama groups are nationwide founded. These songs are less subjected to the restriction of ‘proletarian’ music. "Not only the scope of subject selection became wider but also technical treatment turned to be more flexible. They had a common characteristic that they were full of folk emotional appeal and flavor as well as human kindness. "
Cited in Liu (2011). Chinese chorus Page 140
The folk songs are an important propaganda tool. These adepted songs reflect and glorify the common man and the common soldier fighting either against the GMD or Japan. They are used in "... the liberated areas to persuade the masses to think 'revolution' via an approach of 'communality' found through folk themes that everyone was familiar with and could understand."
Harrison (2006). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements. Page 26. Harrison describes the role of the composers: "Composers played a vital role in developing politically correct, pleasant sounding, nationally transportable songs. This is no easy task when much of China, then and now, is divided internally between various language, cultural and physical barriers. For a song to be politically useful, thereby successful, it must be carefully structured and balanced. One structure was to model a new song after a previously written Western song's instrumentation, then modify the lyrics; note this does not mean the lyrics were simply translated, most song lyrics were not direct translations but rather a complete stripping of the original foreign lyrics overlaid with strikingly different Chinese ones. Another structure was to model a song with revolutionary lyrics laid over previously written or new Chinese folk instrumentations. Both these structures proved extremely important to the development of the new musical nationalism after Liberation when a composer could utilize these two structure-tools in order to both promote a sense of new rebellion, as seen with the use of Western instrumentation, as well as to promote a sense of nationalistic 'China for Chinese' as seen with the creation of revolutionary folk songs." Page 26

On October 30,1944 Mao Zedong states: "In the arts, we must have not only modern drama but also the Shensi opera and the yangko (yangge) dance. Not only must we have new Shensi operas and new yangko dances, but we must also utilize and gradually transform the old opera companies and the old yangko troupes, which comprise 90 per cent of all yangko troupes"
Mao Zedong The united front in cultural work October 30,1944
In the first years of the new republic many traditional operas are transformed, according to the slogan “古为新用,洋为中用" (Gu wei jin yong, Yang wei Zhong yong” “to wield through the old to create the new”)
not only used in drama but also for example in traditional Chinese medicine versus modern.
These traditional works are revised, mainly in plot (for example no 'kowtowing', humilation of the hero by feudal rulers, or shows that portrayed landlords as scholars, peasants as clowns, and cadres as wearing green kerchiefs on their heads, symbolizing they had been cuckolded.) "Plots were infused with reaffirmations of traditional behavior-filial responsibility, respect for the elderly and those in authority, self-sacrifice for family or state, and the words sung were, of course, explicit.35 At the court, the city theatre or the itinerant shows in the villages, the listener absorbed a moral system while being entertained"
Perris Arnold (1983) Music as Propaganda: Art at the Command of Doctrine in the People's Republic of China. Page 14
In 1952 at the First National Trial Performance Convention less than 10 percent of the performed operas were newly written works. "The Ministry of Culture banned twenty-six traditional operas between 1950 and 1952, but more than anything else this was an attempt to prevent local governments from censoring “indiscriminately” and to claim for the ministry the power to assess the people’s entertainment needs."
Iovene Paola (2010). Chinese Operas on Stage and Screen: A Short Introduction. Page 185. "local governments in the north and northeast prohibited an extremely high number of operas. This led to clashes between the population and the local administrators, creating such uproar that the Ministry of Culture had to intervene in March 1950 to prevent all theatrical entertainment from coming to a complete stop. Page 185
There is a constant lack of professional trained performers to populate new dance productions. This problem becomes very clear in the music and dance performance “Long live the People’s Victory staged during the CPPCC in September 1949. See Part 10 The first plenum of the CPPCC of September 21, 1949 – September 30, 1949 "Even these highlights, however, could not make up for the almost complete lack of training of most of the performers. Hu Sha (1927–2013), who codirected the production along with Dai Ailian, lamented the situation, writing, “most [of the performers] were students of only a few months, the majority of whom had not studied dance before, and their performance technique was still quite poor.”3"
Wilcox E. (2019) Revolutionary Bodies: Chinese Dance and the Socialist Legacy. Page 48
To overcome this absence of quality the Beijing Dance School is founded in 1954. Its curriculum unites three new established streams of Chinese dance: Han folk dance, minority dance, and xiqu dance and defines a set of fundamental movements and techniques. Likewise Shanghai Chinese Orchestra in 1952 is founded and the China Broadcasting Chinese Orchestra in 1953. In addition, a number of music schools, such as the Shanghai Conservatory of Music and the Central Conservatory of Music are established. These music schools hire a number of SU musicians as teachers who teach western music theory and composing techniques.

Architecture ....

Political demands limit the freedom of architectects like in all other art forms in the PRC. The economic situation in the period of 1949-1954 was very unstable, resources were limited. Yet until 1952 architects are still building expensive projects. Lack of supervising tended to provide much profit for the private design firms. In august 1952 the government states:
“'The reconstruction work in the previous years cost the state too much, and the waste was astonishing because many projects had been dealt with improperly... The construction must accord with the policy that building construction should be above all, sufficient, safe and economical; only then could aesthetic issues be considered to a certain degree if the economic conditions allowed. The "formalism”, i.e. building purely for the sake of appearances must be avoided”
Zhang Jie (1991). City building, conservation and architecture in China with the special reference to qufu.Page 16
The government decides to form a State Construction Commission that will control and supervise all major construction works. The commission puts up an priority construction list: state defense, industrial construction (factories, power stations, and storage houses), then civic construction and finally restoration of existing properties. Most of these projects are realized in new industrial areas, and administrative structures are realized outside major cities and in the most rural regions.
From 1952 onwards the influence of the SU in architecture becomes bigger. Like the SU architects the Chinese begin to seek for “socialist content and national form”. As Modernism was considered as originated in the West and was therefore denounced as a capitalist architectural style, serving only the capitalist class and being detached from the needs of the working class. The architects are confronted with a big problem "..(they) had to resurrect an architectural past only to render their vision of the built environment locally familiar, not to engage in backward- looking historicism and glorification of a repressive feudalism that they found abhorrent."
Rowe Peter G. and Kuan Seng (2002). Architectural encounters with essence and form in modern China. Page 97
"...architecture was, however, never so highly-regarded in China as means of ‘advancing political goals’ and the ‘distribution and use of political power’19. The ‘national style’ was not a mere preference but a matter of national policy20 necessary to establish, and differentiate, its newfound nationalist and socialist identity."
Surya Shirley (2010). How modern is modern architecture in China (1949-1979)? Probing for the modern movement through shifts in the state, industrialisation and style in China’s architectural production. Page 73
To put it simply, a Chinese roof was set on a modern structure. Often the buildings are pompous and with heavy constructions and can be considered as monumental palatial architecture. The
Soviet exhibition hall
Soviet Exhibition hall Construction period 1952-1954. In 1958 renamed Beijing exhibition hall
is an example of Romanesque and Gothic style on the outside, baroque and plastic elements on the inside. At the end of 1954 however this style is condemned in the SU because it lacks economic efficiency and China followed suit.
Zhou Enlai states in September 1954"...more than a few cities, institutions, schools, and businesses have undertaken some overly lavish construction, willingly exhausting the limited resources of the country."
15-09-1954 Zhou Enlai "Report to the First Session of the First NPC"
From now on suitability, safety, and economy have to be the main features and when the economic conditions permit, attention can be paid to aesthetics of the buildings. Architecture is used to endorse socialist modernity among the population, it can be seen as a symbol of a future where in the PRC is integrated with the modern world.
"From 1952, the Communist Party planned to transform Beijing, the ancient Chinese cultural and political center, into an industrial and bureaucratic city with an extended immigrant population. According to this plan, thousands of old houses, gateway structures, and traditional streets were to be demolished. Worst of all, what was considered the best remaining old citywall in the world, the Beijing city-wall was scheduled to be removed. Some outstanding architects strongly objected to this plan. Liang (Sicheng) and other scholars even provided alternative design solutions (The Proposal on the Location of the Administrative Central District of the Central People's Government) for preserving these old buildings while promoting economic development."
Hu Xiao (2006). Preserving the Old Beijing: The First Conflict between Chinese Architects and the Communist Government in the 1950s. Page 2 See also Wong Sidney (2015). Searching for a modern, humanistic planning model in China: The planning ideas of Liang Sicheng, 1930-1952. Journal of Architectural and Planning Research, 32, 4. Pages 324-345. Cathcart (2010) remarks "Walls were used to symbolize the supposedly monolithic force of 'tradition' and confining aspects of chinese culture. City walls were not only viewed as old, they were also thought to have been ineffective in resisting the Japanese." Cathcart Adam (2010) Walls as multivalent icons in early people's republican cartoons, 1946-1951. In Forges Roger des, Gao Minglu, e.o. (2010). Chinese walls in time and space. A multidiscipilinary perspective. Page 176-177
The city walls are considered the symbol of feudal exploitation.

Housing
"Between 1949 and 1957, the level of investment in housing was about 10 percent of the total investment in capital construction and massive housing construction eased housing shortages, while the housing systems, designs and technical standards employed then had provided the foundation for housing development for the next 30 years.14 These were largely in the form of ‘standardised multi-floor residential buildings’ built across China15 based on the Soviet’s model of the ‘industrialised building system’, whose basic features were ‘design standardisation, mass production and systematic construction’ of building components and dwelling unit layouts.16"
Surya (2010). How modern is modern architecture in China. Page 48

In designing residential areas the most important issues are to accommodate more and more people and to save as much land as possible. Building constructions have priority, environmental matters are of lesser importance.The development of housing has a minor status (it is non-productive component in the buildup of capital), economic growth comes first.
Shortly after 1949 housing design follows the pattern of houses arranged in parallel blocks, oriented north-south, to enable the sunlight into the homes and to use the prevailing winds as ventilation. This design follows ancient tradition. The traditional courtyard system is abandoned. These new houses are located near factories, to win more support from the working class. Caoyang New Village in Shanghai can be considered as a model.
Xingfu Village in the Chongwen Gate area of Beijing. Gang (2012) notices "The Caoyang New Workers’ Village, Shanghai’s first of its kind, became a symbol for a newly hegemonic working class, a symbol to be broadcast all over the city and all over the country." "Considered as an ideological product, the New Workers’ Villages brought to the stage the force of a new political power, symbolizing the new political orientation of the new regime, and in this new form of space fashioned a dream of a new golden age, a prototypical prefiguration of the ‘communism’ to come."Gang (2012) Socialist Shanghai. Page 479
The neighbourhood unit schema is adopted to plan large-scale residential development. The construction starts in September 1951 and the first phase ends in April 1952. "The plan was divided into three hierarchical levels: neighbourhood, cluster and village. Each cluster had its own nurseries, kindergartens and primary schools. Primary schools and kindergartens were located within easy walking distance (less than ten minutes) but on independent sites. The village had community facilities such as co-op shops, post offices, cinema theatres and cultural clubs at the centre while commercial establishments at the periphery."
Lu Duanfang (2006). Travelling urban form: the neighbourhood unit in China. Page 377. In the first phase of the development of the village the kitchens and toilets are public
In 1953 critical SU specialist call Caoyang monotone and barracks-like. They introduce the SU super-block. Buildings should not be lower than 4 or 5 storeys, have an unified design and provide green spaces arranged around a quadrangle with public facilities (cultural and welfare facilities) in the centre. (e.g. Beijing Baiwanzhuang residential area 1953). These SU designs are soon abandoned because they take too little into account the typical Chinese climate.

Landscape design
This section focusses on public park design. During the 1930’s and 1940’s new parks were not crated and existing ones were falling into disrepair.
The old summer palace and its garden in Beijing are constantly looted. "Other beneficiaries of the theft of stones (bricks and rockeries) were the new public parks, universities and libraries of the city. The plunder of bricks, roof tiles, slabs of stone, wooden supports, pipes and so on continued daily for some thirty years; and well into the 1950s there were reports that the antique markets of Liuli Chang I were still offering bric-a-brac from the palaces." Barme Geremie R. (1996). The gardens of perfect brightness, a life in ruins. Page 140
In 1949 there are only 112 public parks on the mainland. Restauration of existing parks and creation of new parks occurs as a by-product of the Patriotic Health Campaign, which starts in 1952. During this campaign volunteer labors are mobilized to clean urban and rural areas. Zones unsuitable for building are designated as (future) parks. Examples of these parks are Dragon Pool park and Joyous Pavilion park (1952) in Beijing. "Yet despite the physical and artistic shortcomings these parks were eagerly adopted as a clear representation of the new age since they had been created by the ordinary people who were enthusiastic and proud whilst participating in these projects as an act of patriotism"
Zhao Jijun (2008). Thirty years of landscape design in China (1949-1979): The era of Mao Zedong. Page 67
These parks are seen as revolutionary effort to promote socialism. Parks are named ‘People’s Park’, ‘Liberation Park’, ‘Martyrs Park’ or named after revolutionary figures (Lenin, Lu Xun). Party leaders like Chen Yi (Shanghai) or Mao Zedong (Tianjin) often make the inscriptions of the names of these parks. Mao Zedong also decided to retain the name of ‘Joyous Pavilion’ as it is a place of historic interest and its name should be kept. "This care of traditional past was largely a result of the national pride after the victory over the foreign imperial powers and the founding of an independent nation. This signified that, besides promoting socialism, the country's history was also Important to reinforce nationalism. As upon Liberation there were limited resources for the creation of parks it was necessary to preserve what was inherited from the past so that this would not only contribute to the nationalist spirit but also enhance park spaces both materially and culturally."
Zhao (2008). Thirty years of landscape design in China. Page 70
Due to the lack of financial resources, the parks have to be self-sufficient. This is achieved for example through admission tickets, shop rents, and fish farming in water bodies.
In Beijing 1.7 million fish are released in the lakes of the Summer Palace and North Sea Park. Zhao (2008). Page 70
The ‘Park of Culture and Rest’ created in Moscow in 1928 is the model for the design of new parks in PRC. This meant that new parks (for example Star Sea park in Dalian, Canton Elegance park in Guangzhou) are dominated by buildings which provide cultural and recreational possibilities. These buildings can be let and contribute in the financing of the parks. Besides buildings, also open-air dance floors are introduced after it became a popular pastime in the SU. (e.g. Unmoored Ferry park in Hefei)
Although the SU model is followed "...surviving historic features were upon the Liberation valued as cultural relics of the nation and were emphasized as a starting point for new design. Despite the fact that indigenous garden making was an expression of the former elite culture, it was eagerly adopted as a basis for the creation of modern parks, since it could then be demonstrated to express nationalistic values."
Zhao (2008). Page 60


Visual arts....

This section describes visual arts like paintings, drawings or prints.
Prints

Right from the start the new government realizes that for a national audience mass-produced visual art is a must. In November 1949 a directive is issued, calling on all cultural and educational organizations to coordinate the making of new nianhua (new year pictures) for the New Year in 1950.
Nianhua are used to decorate the homes and to protect the dwellers. Deities and Gods are the prominent genres. The aesthetic quality or intrinsic value of the prints is very low. They are simply in design, bright colored and easy to produce. "Directive of the Cultural Ministry of the Central People's Government on Launching New Year Picture Work" November 1949. In 1950: 8 million are published, in 1952: 40 million and in in 1954: 60 million
The new pictures show the message that the party is fulfilling peasants’ dreams of abundance and happiness. Workers and peasants are prominently present and images of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai replace the Gods. … the nianhua reform was one of the largest art campaigns ever mounted by the Chinese Communist Party in their efforts to create a shared ideological universe.20 It was a crusade conducted from the top down, and proceeded simultaneously on several fronts: through extensive publicity in official publications; the open support of celebrated artists; exhibitions; conferences; a search for and reforming of traditional folk artists; and award presentations in open competitions for the best new print designers. The intertwining of art and government in Chinese history was never more evident than in the early 1950s.”
Hung Chang-Tai (2000). Repainting China: New Year Prints (Nianhua) and Peasant Resistance in the Early Years of the People's Republic. Page 776
This reform meets opposition. Most of the images show urban culture unfamiliar to the peasants. The changing of Gods meant the purging of religious blessings, protection, good fortune, renewal of the seasonal cycle and hope. Instead the new images are seen as a symbol of death and mourning, lacking bright colour and an insufficient variety of colour. They refuse to purchase the new Nianhua. Hung (2000) concludes “But far from submitting to the ideological constraints imposed on them by the state, the populace stubbornly adhered to their own traditional methods of consumption and refused to purchase the socialist prints. In so doing, not only did they delimit and redefine the publicly perceived relations of domination, they also challenged the common notion that officials have the ability to freely impose cultural hegemony on the lower orders.”
Hung (2000). Repainting China Page 800
But not only the rural population is not happy with the new prints. There is also “… a more widespread phenomenon among artists: their unwillingness to commit time and energy to what they regarded as a minor art form, known neither for its status nor artistic worth. In 1953 nianhua was one of the three principal art forms catering to mass consumption (the other two were picturebooks and slides), something artists shunned. The three forms were derisively labeled by many artists as the "three don'ts": that is, three types of art that artists avoided.102”
Hung (2000). Repainting China Page 797
At the end of the Korea War the focus changed from military propaganda to subjects on technology and industrialization.
Paintings

Oil paintings are considered the right form of art in presenting historical events of the CCP. This is an imitation of the SU practice. The history of the CCP is divided in four periods : the founding of the CCP and the First Revolutionary Civil War (1921-1927); the Second Revolutionary Civil War (1927-1937); the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945); and the Third Revolutionary Civil War (1945-1949. This division is base on the 1951 written study "Thirty years of the Chinese Communist Party". It becomes the guideline for artists to produce works. Zheng (2014) remarks "Ironically the classical European art training method was even strengthened during this period of Communist China. From the 1950s to the early 1960s Chinese art students still spent most of their time in studio drawing plaster casts of classical Greek sculptures or nude models."
Zheng Shengtian (2012). Retrace the Route of Contemporary Art in China - A Curatorial Mission. Harrison remarks "The use of color in painting, especially red, had clearly defined parameters of what it symbolized. The emphasis of the color red in painting was immense; red being super-imposed with traits of strength, courage, intelligence, warmth, life and the color that represents the modern times or rather the 'new life' that influenced so many artists during this period."Harrison (2000). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements in China During two key Ten-year Periods: {1945-1955 Liberation} and {1985-1995 Opening} Page 18
The works have to demonstrate national pride. Promotion of new socialist heroes and heroines is important. " In fact, socialist realism depicts “positive heroes” who are not just good men but men of purpose,(...) self-assurance and straightforwardness towards his future goal.(...) The positive hero embraces "ideological conviction, courage, intelligence, will power, patriotism, respect for women, self-sacrifice." (...) The essence of such a positive hero is his lack of hesitation and inner doubts in striving directly towards the socialist purpose."
Cheung Yin-ki Bianca (2007) Iconography of Socialist Revolution: Construction of an Optimistic Imagery in Maoist China, 1949-1976. Page 6
The CCP attitude towards the traditional Chinese painting (landscapes and birds-and-flowers ) is ambivalent, should it be preserved, reformed or eliminated. "Traditional Chinese painting was regarded by the authorities as being at the opposite end of the social spectrum to folk art, and it was looked upon as an elite art form far removed from the lives of ordinary people. Over the centuries it had been developed and refined exclusively by the literati or scholar-official class and was thus considered by the Communist authorities to express the world view of the social elite."
Galikowski (1990). Art and Politics in China. Page 29
Traditional painters, nianhua designers and comic book illustrators (the old comic books are filled with ghosts, superstitions, pornography, and violence) are assembled for thought reform and instructions on the new art. Several of the more prominent painters like
Qi Baishi
Qi Baishi (1864-1957) Traditional painter
,
Huang Binhong
Huang Binhong (1865-1955) Traditional painter
,
Pan Tianshou
Huang Binhong (1897-1971) Traditional painter
and
Yu Fei’an
Yu Fei'an (1888-1959) Traditional painter
, were relatively unaffected by the new political climate. They were tolerated by the authorities because they were seen as the main upholders of China’s "artistic heritage". It was seen as a symbol of the sophisticated brilliance of Chinese culture and, therefore, a matter of national pride.
Galikowski (1990). Page 35

Exhibitions ....

In the twentieth century several museums are established. The first modern exhibition hall is the Nantong Museum in Jiangsu province (1905). Soon more museums are built. In 1930 the GMD government issued a law on the preservation of ancient objects. "War, economic recession, social issues, and the political division of the country did not provide a fertile environment for the development of museums and galleries in China: by 1936 there were 77 of them, but only 21 survived war."
Pozzi Laura(2019). A City, its History, and its Museum(s): Making the Shanghai History Museum / Shanghai Revolution Museum. Page 8
After 1949 the new government starts a campaign to preserve cultural objects. For example the Shanghai Cultural Relics Commission is established in 1949. The CCP takes control over the art markets and persuades art connoisseurs to cooperate. Ho (2012) remarks "…collectors were also experts (and many chose to serve PRC as consultants), members of the cultural elite of pre-1949 China were often also members of the economic elite, and at least up until the 1957 Anti-Rightist Movement, the state chose to co-opt the cultural elite and their collections...Though the museum in the early 1950s set about recruiting and educating a new group of cultural workers, it was the older generation of art experts who contributed their cultural knowledge to form the collections of the PRC."
Ho Denise Y. (2012). Reforming Connoisseurship: State and Collectors in Shanghai in the 1950s and 1960s.Pages 613, 617 "Just as the Central Military Commission issued directives to protect the Forbidden City, so too did the Shanghai Military Commission provide notices to gather ancient cultural relics that were the 'treasures of national culture and precious materials of national history.'" Page 15 .
The staff of the pre-1949 Shanghai Municipal Museum remain in position and the Museum reopens in December of 1952. Several private collections are ‘voluntary’ donated. This donation are motivated by patriotism and local pride. After wufan (see Article 30) economic hardship is also a motivation to donate or sell the collection. In 1952, during the Five-Antis Campaign, over thirty (of 140 workers in the Shanghai Cultural Relics Commission) are accused of corruption.
Not only new art museums are founded, many of them are converted major temples. In 1950 in Shanghai the building where the first official meeting of the CCP is held, becomes a memorial hall but soon the idea arose to transform the site into a museum with a collection of revolutionary items. The National Museum of the Revolution in Moscow is the example. Here "Lenin’s political career had been carefully highlighted by artifacts of the revolution, such as newspapers and manuscripts, accompanied by oil paintings and maps. Taken together,…., the artifacts forcefully chronicled the Bolshevik leader’s path of struggle and triumph."
Hung Chang-tai (2007). Oil paintings and politics: weaving a heroic tale of the Chinese revolution. Page 786
Besides museums also exhibitions are considered important propaganda tools for both mass education and mass mobilization. These displays are even on street-level, often with items from neighborhood residents themselves. "An exhibition allowed visitors to reflect on the past, awakening memories of their former lives in the so-called “old society”(jiushehui),as pre-Communist China was known. A display juxtaposed this past with the con-temporary “new society”(xinshehui),in which Chinese people had “stood up”(fanshen), the contrast between Old China and New China “stimulating the masses’ patriotic feelings.”
Ho Denise Y. (2018).Curating Revolution Politics on Display in Mao’s China. Page 2
Exhibition are to be ideological, scientific, and aesthetic, including history and narrative as well as visual and material culture.

Propaganda ....

Wang (2013) notices "The Chinese term for propaganda is xuānchuán (宣 傳), meaning to broadcast or disseminate information. Unlike the English term, propaganda in China does not carry innate negative connotations. From its inception, the Chinese Communist Party has relied extensively on propaganda as a means of promulgating its cause."
Castle Nora (2013). Remaking Mao. From propaganda to pop culture. Page 45
Three goals of propaganda work can be distinguished. First, to explain the core tasks of the new regime to the masses, second to increase the trust of the masses in order to implement the new policy and third to raise the political level and awareness of the masses and eradicating the legacies of GMD propaganda.
Ohlberg Mareike Svea (2013). “Creating a favorable international public opinion environment: external propaganda (duiwai xuanchuan) as a global concept with Chinese characteristics” Page 128
Propaganda in the cities and rural areas comes in different forms. Criticism meetings, demonstrations, media propaganda and performances (Chinese theater, story-telling, ballad singing and poetry reciting ) take place in work units (In 1950, the system of study sessions in factories and offices in cities is established, lasting for 2 hours each day) public transportation and places of entertainment. Propaganda themes are in all kind of sorts: political and economic but also targeting theft of electricity and the cause of lunar eclipse. Zhou (2016) remarks "The inclusion of everyday issues in party propaganda indicated that to become a citizen of a modern socialist nation, it was not enough to possess the correct political consciousness. Instead, one must also be equipped with modern scientific, moral and legal concepts. "
Zhou Chenshu (2016). The versatile film projectionist: How to show films and serve the people in the 17 years period, 1949–1966. Page 9
It is an effective means of diffusing agricultural innovations and instructing rural people. The image created is "The unity of the labourer (usually male) and the peasant (often female, for obvious reasons: links with the soil, fertility, etc.) working together to lift China up served as a frequent trope in mass culture. The worker supplied the countryside with industrially produced agricultural tools, the peasant produced ever increasing quantities of produce to not only help industrialisation but also improve general living standards."
Landsberger Stefan R. (2014). Dreaming the Chinese Dream How the People’s Republic of China Moved from Revolutionary Goals to Global Ambitions. Page 254
The political campaigns aim at the thought reform of the Chinese people in all aspects of life. The scope of propaganda changes with the political climate and serves state political goals.
A special propaganda tool are the posters. "Propaganda posters played a major supporting role in the many campaigns that were designed to mobilise the people, and they have been the favoured medium for educational purposes, particularly given the large number of illiterates China had in the early decades of the PRC"
Landsberger Stefan R. (2013). Contextualising (propaganda) posters. Page 392. ".., it can be calculated that in 1949, 379 different poster designs were published, with a total print run of almost 6.8 million copies. As for their contents, some ten per cent of these were devoted to the founding of the PRC, and 13 per cent had the deep love of the people for the leadership as their subject. While another ten per cent showed the close relations between the Army and the people, a whopping 31 per cent of them were devoted to agricultural production. Such data really can point to the political priorities at the time.15" Pages 389-390
Shen (2000) divides the propaganda posters in 5 categories: 1. Publicize party slogans, 2. Support current mass movements, 3. Idealize the life of workers and peasants in the new society, 4. Urge the solidarity of the Chinese people in realizing the party's goals and 5. Popularize military goals, especially the liberation of Taiwan.
Shen Kuiyi (2000). Publishing Posters Before the Cultural Revolution. Page 184
Donald (2014) draws up a ranking " Arguably, posters were the first and most accessible visual address from the Party and film was the second, whereas radio, delivered through inescapable loudspeakers, was the most insistent. On radio, the voice of authority was direct and often issued immediate instructions."
Donald Stephanie Hemelryk(2014). Red Aesthetics, Intermediality and the Use of Posters in Chinese Cinema after 1949. Page 9. The CCP understands the influence of radio broadcasting "As early as in May 22, 1950, China National Radio ( 中国中央广播电台) started broadcasting programs in Tibetan, and programs in Mongolian, Korean, Zhuang, and Kazakh went on air shortly after. 149 These programs reported on the contemporary life of minority nationalities, propagated the Party’s nationality policies, and informed the audience of the Party’s stance on issues pertaining to China’s borderlands. Besides serving minority nationality listeners, multi-lingual programs aurally registered ethnic heterogeneity in China." Lu Xiaoning (2008). Biopolitics and Cinema. Pages 85-86
An other way of propaganda are the articles about ordinary people, who tell their life story and how the CCP changes or changed their life. During the election campaign in 1953-1954 (see Article 4 ) the CCP focused on three specific types of people: the laboring masses (especially industrial workers), women from the lower strata of society, and ethnic minorities. Besides articles and interviews images of working class underscore the notion of the new masters of the country.
Zhang Jishun (2014). Creating “Masters of the Country” in Shanghai and Beijing: Discourse and the 1953–54 Local People's Congress Elections. Pages 1074-1075
'Huobaoju' or ‘living newspapers’ are a method of propaganda introduced by the SU. "the messages of almost all huobaoju were exceedingly simple, and the emotions they encouraged visceral. Characters representing class and state enemies were habitually shown to suffer physical abuse at the hands of the ‘masses’ (or via their own ineptitude), or were theatrically killed, while members of the audience were encouraged to hurl abuse or objects at actors playing the part of such villains. Scripts contained constant repetition of political slogans. And to make absolutely sure that the message was understood, some huobaoju involved actors in roles known as the ‘jieshuoyuan’ (lit. ‘explainer’), whose job it was to narrate events as they occurred, ask rhetorical questions of the audience in an attempt to increase agitation, and to speak directly to characters within the play (e.g., by speaking ‘for’ onlookers when berating a villain). Another common practice was to have a villain’s name attached to his or her person throughout the course of the play so that even the most ill-informed of observers would understand which character was worthy of vitriol."
Taylor Jeremy E. (2013). The Sinification of Soviet Agitational Theatre: ‘Living Newspapers’ in Mao’s China. Page 41
A very important part of the propaganda is the friendship between the PRC and the SU. “learning from the Soviet Union” is the key theme of official propaganda work, and the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association (SSFA) is the key institution in advancing the movement to “promote and learn from the Soviet Union.” Yu (2005) enumerates the "Regular activities sponsored by SSFA branches in different parts of the country included exhibitions, lectures, seminars, get-togethers, study groups, mobile libraries, wall-newspapers, blackboard newspapers, street corner propaganda stations, propaganda buses, fancy dress performances, classes in Russian songs and dances teaching sessions, etc. The SSFA promoted also the Russian language throughout the country, so that it had become, by 1952, the most widely taught foreign language in China.
Yu Minling (2005). Learning from the Soviet Union: CPC Propaganda and Its Effects A study Centered on the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association. Pages 2-3. Yu also notices "Lüshun residents had strong negative responses; they vented their anger on the Soviets living in their city, quarreled with Soviet soldiers, or pushed and jostled Soviet people on streetcars, sometimes even beating them up. Page 5"
Not only the fiendship between the PRC and the SU is important but also the cultural and economic exchange inside the communist bloc. Special attention is given to the youth. "Across the socialist world, youth was seen as the most crucial factor in forging a common identity that would transcend national borders and coalesce around the shared ideology of the socialist bloc. Youth festivals and student exchanges followed the same logic: providing youth across the socialist bloc with a shared experience that would bind them together as members of that new transnational community, the socialist world."
Volland (2008). Page 65

In China, propaganda also targets young people through, among other things, cartoons and comic books. As seen above old comic books are filled with ghosts, superstitions, pornography, and violence, the new ones are mostly political cartoons. In June 1950 the first issue of Manhua is published in Shanghai. It is modelled on the Soviet Crocodile, a weekly publication founded by the Russian Communist Party in August 1922. Due to limited paper supply, Manhua starts with a low circulation of 6,000 issues in the summer of 1950. "...cartoons were needed to promote the numerous mass campaigns initiated by the new government, remind readers of the continuing battle against enemies of the new Communist state—be they special agents, imperialists or traitors—and rally the people in support of a new military conflict developing on the Korean peninsula."
Altehenger Jennifer (2013). A Socialist Satire: Manhua Magazine and Political Cartoon Production in the PRC, 1950–1960. Page 79. The ministry of propaganda issued special handbooks as reference material for cartoonists. "Source material is difficult to obtain, particularly for amateurs, and here was a plentiful supply of it for amateur cartoonists and artists, showing the way every important personality should be drawn, in simplified fashion, and showing how every important political issue of the day should be represented pictorially. The Party, with its usual skill in exploiting the indomitable, finer qualities in any people, assumed correctly that once a cartoonist or artist had folio wed the models shown in the propaganda sketch book, he would be inclined to believe that they were true, and even to argue that they were, for weren’t his own creations and honor at stake? The result was a complete unity achieved in all of Red China’s media for the communication of thought, from the daily press in a big city to an amateur play troupe in a distant middle school. That was why, no matter what the publication or organ and no matter where it came from inside Red China, there was always a faithful similarity in expression." Hunter Edward (1953). Brainwashing in red China: The calculated destruction of men's minds. Page 213.
In order to support political campaigns, cartoons had to been produced quickly. Often the intention of the campaign was not clear and therefore the political message of these cartoons was possibly unclear or could be easily misinterpreted. Cartoonists risked this way later political criticism. In his 1942 talk Mao Zedong states "But there are several kinds of satire, each with a different attitude, satire to deal with our enemies, satire to deal with our allies and satire to deal withour own ranks. We are not opposed to satire in general; what we must abolish is the abuse of satire." As soon as the Korea War ends, the cartoonists now have to focus on stabilization of the party-state rule (laudatory cartoons) instead of anti US and anti GMD subjects.

Conclusion ....

Propaganda is at the first place aimed at: (1) the masses of workers and peasants, who are regarded as natural supporters of the regime, (2) the remnants of formerly powerful social classes, most of whom are likely to remain enemies, (3) the youth in schools and armed forces who are relatively uncontaminated by the ideas of previous regimes and who can be educated in socialist doctrine, and (4) the Communist militants themselves, whose loyalty and techniques need constant strengthening. "
Houn Franklin W. & Hou Fu-Wu (1961). To Change a Nation: Propaganda and Indoctrination in Communist China. Page 9
The most important theme of the propaganda is "The continuous drive toward technological and economic advancement furnishes a central theme for nearly all propaganda and indoctrination campaigns. Stepping up production is among the highest of Communist virtues. The campaigns are calculated to justify to the working people the production goals set by the regime and to arouse their zeal and enthusiasm. Labor discipline and the need for being content with poor working conditions require that the incentives offered for higher production be primarily psychological. The regime has not thus far provided adequate material stimuli to productivity; its emphasis upon the production of capital goods at the expense of consumer's goods has made this impossible, and hence appeals to the worker's loyalty and devotion are essential. "
Hou (1961). To Change a Nation. Page 18
In the first years of the PRC "Socialism in the 1950s was fluid. Local implementation of central policies was flexible due to practical considerations. Cadres interpreted and implemented central policies locally, even personally, when contradictions appeared between the Party’s guidelines and local situations."
Zhao Mi (2014). From singing girl to revolutionary artist: female entertainers remembering China’s socialist past (1949–the present). Page 184
This often resulted "...some state cultural institutions and enterprises continued to exhibit profit-minded behavior by focusing their efforts on maximizing attendance, rather than on correct propaganda and enforcement of high ideological standards among employees
Johnson Matthew David (2015).Beneath the Propaganda State: Official and Unofficial Cultural Landscapes in Shanghai, 1949–1965. Page 209
Already during Japanese occupation and during the civil war, the CCP recognized the significance of graphic art “and its ability to sway public opinion through forceful images… not only to comment on political as well as social developments but also, and more important, to portray visions of a new society under Communist rule.”
Hung Chang-Tai (1997). Two Images of Socialism: Woodcuts in Chinese Communist Politics. Page 35
Perry (2012) concludes "The PRC propaganda system was patterned both institutionally and operationally on that of the Soviet Union. In contrast to the Bolsheviks, however, Mao and his comrades enjoyed the advantage of having tinkered with this system for nearly three decades prior to the establishment of a Communist party-state. The result,..., “Soviet models were never blindly followed, and, on many occasions, they were either rejected by Chinese officials or appropriated for their own use."
Perry Elizabeth J.(2012). Anyuan: Mining China’s Revolutionary Tradition. Page 155. Not only is the propaganda system built on Yan'an experiences but also on Imperial and GMD traditions.
Johnson (2015) observes "...post- 1949 local cultural landscapes remained heterogeneous, even in the context of ongoing state expansion into previously unorganized leisure time or amidst efforts to export urban- produced cultural templates from city core to periphery and countryside" and he continues "Responsibility for managing local cultural activity fell to provincial and municipal, rather than county, governments, creating limitations on budgets and personnel available for the promotion of state culture in rural areas"
Johnson Matthew David (2015).Beneath the Propaganda State. Pages 203, 208
Cong (2016) notices also some obstacles "For the CCP , the popular arts like Pingju and other local operas were very helpful in promoting its new policies. These arts had a broad audience among the lower social classes which were the targeted audience for the CCP social movements, and were strongly motivated to adopt revolutionary themes for social reform as they sought state recognition for their works. Nevertheless, in the eyes of the elites and the new state, the popular arts, such as xiangsheng , quyi and local operas , also had shortcomings because the performers and musicians, who were often illiterate or semi-literate..., had difficulty in understanding the political core of social reform and were thus not able to present the political themes well....Meanwhile, the vulgar taste and erotic content of their works also became a big obstacle to their consideration as high-class art and use in serving the idealistic goals of politics."
Cong Xiaoping (2016). Marriage, Law and Gender in Revolutionary China, 1940–1960. Pages 258-259

Literature Notes Documents...

1."Already in its name, the congress announced a change: it included the neologism “literary and arts workers” (wenxue yishu gongzuozhe), signaling the intention to redefine the identity of artists and writers as part of the working class." Yan Geng (2018). Mao’s Images Artists and China’s 1949 transition. Page 2 Back
2.Mao Zedong wrote previously in 1940 in his "On new democracy" "A given culture is the ideological reflection of the politics and economics of a given society. There is in China an imperialist culture which is a reflection of imperialist rule, or partial rule, in the political and economic fields." and he continues "The new-democratic culture is the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the broad masses; today it is the culture of the anti-Japanese united front. This culture can be led only by the culture and ideology of the proletariat, by the ideology of communism, and not by the culture and ideology of any other class. In a word, new-democratic culture is the proletarian-led, anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the broad masses." Back
3.Perris Arnold (1983). Music as Propaganda: Art at the Command of Doctrine in the People's Republic of China. Page 5 Back
4.DeMare Brian James (2015). Mao’s cultural army: drama troupes in China’s rural revolution. Page 151 Back
5.Li Yan (2012) In search of a socialist modernity movies. The Chinese introduction of Soviet culture. Page 18 Back
6.Smith S.A. (2015). Contentious Heritage: The Preservation of Churches and Temples in Communist and Post-Communist Russia and China. Page 180. He remarks further on "buildings, being made of materials that decayed rapidly, required frequent reconstruction, and this may have been a factor that made the literati less concerned about the continuity and authenticity of the built environment than their western counterparts." Page 190 Back
7.Galikowski Maria B. (1990). Art and Politics in China, 1949-1986. Pages 16-17 Back
8.Gang Luo (2012) Socialist Shanghai, the struggle for space, and the production of space: a reading of the urban text and the media text. Page 475 Back
9.Geng Yan (2018).Mao’s Images Artists and China’s 1949 transition. Page 6 Back
10.Geng (2018).Mao’s Images. Pages 6-7 Back
11.Tang Xiaobing (2015). Visual culture in contemporary China : paradigms and shifts. Page 26 Back
12.Landsberger Stefan R. (2014). Dreaming the Chinese Dream How the People’s Republic of China Moved from Revolutionary Goals to Global Ambitions. Page 251 Back
13.Volland Nicolai (2008) Translating the Socialist State: Cultural Exchange, National Identity, and the Socialist World in the Early PRC. Page 55. For example: Sino-Vietnam Friendship Association is founded in February 1950, Sino-Hungarian cultural agreement is signed in July 1951, Sino-Hungarian accord on the exchange of films is signed in August 1951, Sino- East German cultural agreement is signed in Novermber 1951, Sino-Czechoslovakian cultural agreement is signed in May 1952 and a ten-year Sino-Mongolian Agreement on Economic and Cultural Cooperation is signed in October 1952. Back
14.Geng (2018). Mao’s Images. Page 1 Back
15.Lau Tomothy (2011). The Grading of Cultural Relics in Chinese Law. Page 27. Already in 1932 the CCP issued regulations for the preservation of revolutionary materials and ancient cultural relics. See also Lu Di Yin (2016). From Trash to Treasure: Salvage Archaeology in the People’s Republic of China, 1951–1976. Enteringd Beijing, the PLA are under strict orders to avoid damaging the Forbidden City and other cultural historic sites. Back
16.Liu Alan P. (1965 ). Book publishing in communist China. Massachusetts. Page 8-9 Back
17.Andrews (1990)notices: "Distinction is made here between meishu, art that is limited to the visual arts, and the much broader term yishu, arts. Yishu encompasses meishu, but also includes drama, opera, music, and film, realms of greater immediate concern to Mao than pictorial art. The title of Mao’s 1942 cultural manifesto, “Yan’an Talks on Literature and Art” refers to yishu."Andrews, Julia F. (1990). Traditional Painting in New China: Guohua and the Anti-Rightist Campaign. Note7 Page 561 Back
18.Zhou Chenshu (2016). The versatile film projectionist: How to show films and serve the people in the 17 years period, 1949–1966. Journal of Chinese Cinemas, Page 5. Movie attendance grew correspondingly: 47 million in 1949, 146 million in 1950, 560 million in 1952, 752 million in 1953 and 822 million in 1954 Back
19.Lu Xiaoning (2008). Biopolitics and Cinema: Practices, Representations, and the Moulding of the Socialist Subject in China, 1949-1966. PhD. Thesis Stony Brook University. Page 11 Back
20.Johnson (2015)Beneath the Propaganda State: Official and Unofficial Cultural Landscapes in Shanghai, 1949–1965 Pages 209-210 Back
21.Ma Ran (2016). A genealogy of film festivals in the People’s Republic of China: ‘film weeks’ during the ‘Seventeen Years’ (1949–1966), New Review of Film and Television Studies, 14,1, Pages 40-41. See also Document: 12-01-1954 Decision concerning Establishing a Film Screening Network and a Film Industry Back
22.Johnson (2015).Beneath the Propaganda State: Page 209 Back
23.Document: 22-02-1949 Instructions to Peng Zhen and Others concerning Agreeing to Organize a Film Examination Committee in Beiping Back
24.The Hong Kong Wenhua Studio still made martial movies in Cantonese for the mainland market, for example: "Xue Gang's Adventure in the Lantern Festival" released in July 1949 and "Hu Weiqian Smashes the Engine Room" (1950). "To a large degree, the Shanghai based martial arts film manifested a good mixture of traditional Chinese culture, modern technology, and highly professionalized industrial strategies. The CCP took the martial arts film to task for its ideological backwardness, especially its association with feudalism and vulgar commercialism. Therefore, the production center of martial arts films moved from Shanghai to Hong Kong after 1949."Lu Xiaoning (2008). Biopolitics and Cinema: Practices, Representations, and the Moulding of the Socialist Subject in China, 1949-1966. Page 33 Back
25.Xiao Zhiwei (2004). The Expulsion of American Films from China, 1949-1950. Page 66. Chen Yi, the mayor of Shanghai reveals the dilemmma "Shanghai has many theatres, book markets and entertainment centers like the Great World. The number of people who directly and indirectly depend on such enterprises for their livelihood must amount to more than three-hundred thousand. If we take a hard line approach to this issue we will immediately have the problem of feeding these people [in the entertainment sector] who no longer have employment. At present, we have no new entertainment programs. In the last few years, only The White-haired Girl [baimaonu] has been produced. No one can expect people to watch The White-haired Girl day after day. Therefore, it is important to implement change gradually. I reckon it will take ten years to be in line with the demands of worker-peasant-soldier [gongnongbing] policy. If we take everything and turn it around now, that would be very satisfying but there will also be those three hundred thousand people with nothing to eat. If people have no food, they will come and petition the city government. At that point, if you try to teil them about the worker-peasant-soldier policy, they'11 tear your head off. It is easy to turn everything upside down and criticize this and that. It is not so easy, however, to assess the real situation and from there try to change it step by step.51" Cited in Cambon Maria (1986). The dream palaces of Shanghai. American films in China's largest metropolis 1920-1950. Page 202 Back
26.Chen Tina Mai (2007). "Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969" Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 18, 2. Page 74 Back
27.Johnson Matthew David (2008). International and wartime origins of the propaganda state : the motion picture in China, 1897-1955. Page 89 Back
28.Bao Ying (2008). The Problematics of Comedy: New China Cinema and the Case of Lü Ban. Modern Chinese Literature and Culture, 20, 2, Foreign Language Publications. Page 195. "In March 1951, a one-month exhibition of films produced by state-owned studios' was held in 26 cities, presenting 20 feature films and 6 documentaries, which marked the first achievement of the socialist cinema. Ideologically motivated, many of the films were produced to glorify the CCP's military victories during the anti-Japanese war and the following civil war, or the revolutionary deeds of the Communist martyrs." Yu Hongmei (2008).The politics of images: Chinese cinema in the context of globalization. Page 62 Back
29.Chan Ka Yee (2012). Looking to the East: Chinese Revolutionary Cinema 1949-1966. PhD. university of Minnesota. Page 12 Back
30.Johnson (2008). International and wartime origins. Page 353 Back
31.Bao Ying (2008) In search of laughter in Maoist china: Chinese comedy film 1949-1966. Page 51 Back
32. "In 1951 Beijing Film Studio’s camera crew produced short documentaries such as Intelligence from the Korean Western Frontier ( 朝鲜西线捷报 ) (Dec 1951) and Over the 38 th Parallel, Seoul was Freed ( 突破三八线解放汉城 ) (1951)...In 1952, when the war went through many phases of truce and hostility, a series of documentaries were produced and screened in China: War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, Part 2 ( 抗美援朝 ( 第二部 )), We Oppose Germ Warfare ( 反对细菌战 ) (1952), Chinese People Dispatch a Delegation to Comfort North Korea ( 中国人民赴朝慰问团 ) (1952), and Exchange of Injured Prisoners of War ( 交换病伤战俘 ) (1953)...After the end of the Korean War ...Comforting the Cutest Person ( 慰问最可爱的人 ) (1953), An Unbreakable Transportation Line ( 钢铁运输线 ) (1954), Leniency to the Prisoners of War ( 宽待俘虏 ) (1954), Hurrah for the Friendship ( 友谊万岁 ) (1954), and At the Datong River ( 大同江上 ) (1954)." Sun Kezhi, Xu Dan (2014) Chinese Documentaries and the Korean War. Page 145-146 Back
33.Bao (2008). The Problematics of Comedy. Page 195 Back
34.20-05-1951 Mao Zedong "Pay serious attention to the discussion of the film the life of Wu Hsun Wang Zheng (2017). Finding Women in the State a socialist feminist revolution in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1964. University of California Press. Page 170. Wang (2014) remarks "In 1951, the campaign radically disrupted the long-time cooperation between the CCP and Shanghai private studio left-wing, or progressive (jinbu), film artists. The progressive artists, who had joined the PRC film industry as both celebrities of film and important allies of the CCP, now lost their artistic and political privileges, and their filmmaking legacy was in crisis. ...Filmmakers with a Yan’an background benefited from the lack of competition with the marginalized Shanghai artists and attained higher political and artistic status." Wang Zhuoyi (2014). Revolutionary Cycles in Chinese Cinema, 1951–1979. Page 16. Xie (2012) observes "“the Temporary Measures on Feature Film Scripts Censorship (draft)” issued by State Administration Council in 1953, a film script must be approved by four departments, namely, studio’s screenplay writing section, the CFB’s (Chinese Film Bureau) art commission, the CFB’s standing vice director, and the standing vice minister of Culture before it could acquire the license for production. In 1954, another two departments, the studio’s literature department and art committee, were added into the process. If the script involved “Party history, important political events or the appearance of Party leaders,” it would be brought to the Party’s CDP for approval. In total, a film script must be censored up to seven times before its production." Xie Tianhai (2012). Repression and Ideological Management: Chinese Film Censorship after and Its Impacts on Chinese Cinema. Florida state university. Page 42 Back
35.Wang (2017). Finding Women. Page 180 Back
36.Wang Zhuoyi (2011) From The Life of Wu Xun to the career of Song Jingshi — Crisis and adaptation of private studio film-making legacy: 1951–1956. Page 15. "A number of new elites rose to prominence in this new order. Film critic Zhong Dianfei was one of them. Zhong quickly became an authoritative critic and cultural bureaucrat for attacking private studio films during the campaign against The Life of Wu Xun.Together with Mao’s wife,Jiang Qing, Zhong was a key member of an investigation team set up to expose the protagonist Wu Xun’s “reactionary” history." Wang (2014) Revolutionary cycles. Page 8 Back
37.Johnson (2008). Page 406 Back
38.Brown Laura Damara (2012). Filmic discourse on ethnic minority women in Chinese cinema: Women’s liberation and national identity in the Seventeen Years Period. Master thesis. Colombia university. Page 47 Back
39.Lu Xiaoning (2014). The Politics of Recognition and Constructing Socialist Subjectivity: reexamining the national minority film (1949–1966). Page 386 Back
40.Chen T. M. (2009). International film circuits and global imaginaries in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–57. Page 150 Back
41.Chen (2009). International film circuits. Page 154 Back
42.Li (2012) In search of a socialist modernity movies. Page 173. "China’s increased film import through Sovexportfilm (the film import and export department of the USSR) and the popularity of these films among Chinese audiences greatly pleased Soviet cultural authorities, who attached much importance to creating and maintaining the Soviet image and popularizing Soviet ideology via the distribution of cinema. As a result, the prestige that Soviet culture enjoyed in China enhanced Sino-Soviet alliance, which gave more status to the young socialist state in the international arena. In this way, the introduction of Soviet culture paved the way for China’s internationalization amid Cold War isolation from the capitalist camp.13" Li (2012), Page 16-17 Back
43.See Chen Tina Mai (2004). Internationalism and cultural experience soviet films and popular Chinese understandings of the future in the 1950s. Pages 85, 94. Cambon cites a Chinese movie critic from Mei Duo in 1950 "We are against the idea that says even though Russian films are good doesn't mean they have no short-comings and even though American films are bad doesn't mean they don't have good points. This point of view has no principle and is not a position of the people. Why? Because though Russian films may have artistic highs and lows, they serve and educate the people and are basically good. But American films are basically bad, they serve American imperialism and capitalism. Yes, Hollywood had Progressive filmmakers, but they have been si-lenced.81" Cambon Maria (1986). The dream palaces of Shanghai. American films in China's largest metropolis 1920-1950. Page 216 Back
44.Li (2012). In search. Page 190 Back
45.Hong Zicheng (2007).A History of Contemporary Chinese Literature. Pages 6-7. Some like, Shen Congwen, retreat from the literary world and becomes an art historian, others, like Xiao Qian, start working for the CCP. Huangfu Jenny (2010). Roads to Salvation: Shen Congwen, Xiao Qian and the Problem of Non-Communist Celebrity Writers, 1948-1957 Back
46.Hong (2007). History. Page 8 (Zhou Enlai estimated in 1949 that there were about 60,000 writers and artists active in Communist armies (of whom 25,000 to 30,000 in the PLA) and base areas, and about 10,000 in the Nationalist Party-controlled areas who adhered to what he described as the "new school" of literature and art.) Back
47.Mao Zedong Speeches at the Yan'an Forum of Literature and Art Back
48.Fleit Hang Krista Van (2013). Literature the People Love: Reading Chinese Texts from the Early Maoist Period (1949 –1966). Page 3 Back
49.Kam Lee Kwok Ping Vivien (1985). 'The Literary Profession and Domestic Politics in the People's Republic of China, 1950-1980.' Page 26 Back
50.Judd Ellen Ruth (1973). A study of directed change in Chinese literature and art. Page 255 Back
51.O'Dell Harrison David (2000). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements in China During two key Ten-year Periods: {1945-1955 Liberation} and {1985-1995 Opening}.Page 8 Back
52.Nikitina Alexandra (2013). The Face of Emotion in Early Communist China: The Loyalist vs. the Bourgeois Anti-Hero. Pages 2-3 Back
53.Wagner Rudolf G. (1990). The PRC intelligentsia: A view from literature. Page 162 Back
54. Fleit (2013). Literature the People Love. Page 19. Chen (2011) observes "As alluded to before, worker literature, or “literature with an indus- trial theme” (gongye ticai 工业題材), produced less successful works at first than those described as soldier and peasant literature. After all, as contemporary Chinese literary history has noted, China had been a mostly peasant country, led to socialism by a mostly peasant revolution, whose proletariat class had not yet matured in the classical Marxist sense of the word. In the 1950s and early 1960s, however, poetry—following the path blazed by fiction, drama, and film—expressed the pride of the emerging working class taking its place as new members of socialist China." Chen Xiaomei (2011). Worker-Peasant-Soldier Literature. Page 71 Back
55.Fisac Taciana (2012). “Anything at Variance With it Must be Revised Accordingly”: Rewriting Modern Chinese Literature During the 1950s. Page 134 Back
56.Volland (2008). Translating. Page 62. The works of Sir Walter Scott, Charles Dickens and Katherine Mansfield were all well-received by Chinese readers, as were the works of Upton Sinclair, Jack London, Nathaniel Hawthorne and John Galsworthy from across the Pacific. Mostly Western classics are being translated in GMD-ruled areas. Works by Edgar Snow, Agnes Smedley, Anna Louis Armstrong, and other American correspondents are translated in the CCP controlled areas. Fan Shouyi (1999). Translation of English Fiction and Drama in Modern China: Social Context, Literary Trends, and Impact. Page 164 Back
57.Volland Nicolai (2015).Soviet Spaceships in Socialist China: Reading Soviet Popular Literature in the 1950s . Page 191 Back
58.Volland (2003). The control of the media. Pages 244-245 Back
59.Denton Kirk A. (2002). The Hu Feng Group: The Genealogy of a Literary School (Prepared for Urban Cultural Institutions of Early Twentieth Century China Symposium, The Ohio State University, April 13, 2002). March 1950–People’s Daily publishes two critical articles accusing Ah Long of “resisting Marxist-Leninist Thought regarding the partisan nature of literature and art”, and making him the first victim of literary inquisition under the PRC. Back
60.see for example the case study of Link Perry (2007) The Crocodile Bird: Xiangsheng in the Early 1950s. In Brown Jeremy and Pickowicz Paul G. (2007). Dilemmas of victory : the early years of the People’s Republic of China. Perry concludes "...the xiangsheng world, recently elevated to a higher social status, was ready and willing to help. It got organized. It tried various things, some of which worked better than others. It learned from its mistakes and by 1954 was closing in on a pretty good answer to the question of how to make satire fit the goals of the revolution." Back
61.Tung Constantine (1987). Drama in the People's Republic of China. Page 4 Back
62.DeMare Brian (2012) Local Actors and National Politics: Rural Amateur Drama Troupes and Mass Campaigns in Hubei Province, 1949-1953. Page 168 .The number of amateur troupes grows from 1000 to 5000 (1951) to 100,000 (rural) 10,000 (workers) in 1954. Liu Alan P. L. (1965). The use of traditional media for modernization in communist China. Page 45 Back
63.Liu (1965). The use of traditional media. Page 87. Liu continues "By fanatical politicizing of every facet of Chinese cullture, Peking ended up in a worse state than before it started. Before, there were groups of professional actors, dramatists, playwrights, story-tellers and singers who had already established their reputation among the masses. These artists were overwhelmingly in support of the new regime, at least in the first few years. They were eager to serve the new government which, they thought, would bring a new and strong China. Instead of utilizing their talents for constructive purpose, Peking pulled the rug from under them. Their art was wrenched away from them by illiterate Party fanatics. And the masses were deprived of an entertainment which was once theirs." Page 91 Back
64.Zhou Zhiyi (n.y.) Suzhou in History: City Layout and Urban Culture. Page 58 Back
65.DeMare (2015). Mao's cultural army. Page 222 Zhou (n.y.) notices "...Pingtan artists initiated the prohibition themselves not only out of political considerations, but also for economic reasons. Pingtan performers were less likely to succeed in their career if they fled mainland China like many writers, filmmakers and Beijing artists did immediately after 1949, for the form of art was unlikely to survive in an environment where the performing language was barely understood. It was therefore natural for Pingtan performers, whose art was appreciated in no other places than the Yangzi Delta, to collaborate with political authorities" Zhou Zhiyi (n.y.) Suzhou in History. Pages 57-58. See also chapter 2 Cutting the tail: the Founding oF the Shanghai troupe in the early 1950's in He Qiliang (2012). Gilded Voices: Economics, Politics, and Storytelling in the Yangzi Delta Since 1949. Brill Back
66.Cited in Ludden Yawen (2013). China's musical revolution: From Beijing opera to Yangbanxi. Page 108 Back
67.Cited in Liu Wei (2011). Chinese chorus (contributions to the Chinese choir history) Page 134 Back
68.Cited in Liu (2011). Chinese chorus. Page 134 Back
69.Harrison David (2006). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements in China During two key Ten-year Periods: {1945-1955 Liberation} and {1985-1995 Opening} "The common man has always enjoyed Chinese folk music for centuries, generations always passing on their local songs to younger generations." Page 26. Based on these folk themes "Composers played a vital role in developing politically correct, pleasant sounding, nationally transportable songs. This is no easy task when much of China, then and now, is divided internally between various language, cultural and physical barriers." Page 26 Back
70.Zhao Mi (2014) From singing girl to revolutionary artist: female entertainers remembering China’s socialist past (1949–the present) Page 170 Back
71.Zhao (2014). From singing girl. Page 174 Back
72.Cited in Liu (2011). Chinese chorus Page 140 Back
73.Harrison (2006). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements. Page 26. Harrison describes the role of the composers: "Composers played a vital role in developing politically correct, pleasant sounding, nationally transportable songs. This is no easy task when much of China, then and now, is divided internally between various language, cultural and physical barriers. For a song to be politically useful, thereby successful, it must be carefully structured and balanced. One structure was to model a new song after a previously written Western song's instrumentation, then modify the lyrics; note this does not mean the lyrics were simply translated, most song lyrics were not direct translations but rather a complete stripping of the original foreign lyrics overlaid with strikingly different Chinese ones. Another structure was to model a song with revolutionary lyrics laid over previously written or new Chinese folk instrumentations. Both these structures proved extremely important to the development of the new musical nationalism after Liberation when a composer could utilize these two structure-tools in order to both promote a sense of new rebellion, as seen with the use of Western instrumentation, as well as to promote a sense of nationalistic 'China for Chinese' as seen with the creation of revolutionary folk songs." Page 26 Back
74.Mao Zedong The united front in cultural work October 30,1944 Back
75.not only used in drama but also for example in traditional Chinese medicine versus modern. Back
76.Perris Arnold (1983) Music as Propaganda: Art at the Command of Doctrine in the People's Republic of China. Page 14 Back
77.Iovene Paola (2010). Chinese Operas on Stage and Screen: A Short Introduction. Page 185. "local governments in the north and northeast prohibited an extremely high number of operas. This led to clashes between the population and the local administrators, creating such uproar that the Ministry of Culture had to intervene in March 1950 to prevent all theatrical entertainment from coming to a complete stop. Page 185 Back
78.Wilcox E. (2019) Revolutionary Bodies: Chinese Dance and the Socialist Legacy. Page 48 Back
79.Zhang Jie (1991). City building, conservation and architecture in China with the special reference to qufu.Page 16 Back
80.Rowe Peter G. and Kuan Seng (2002). Architectural encounters with essence and form in modern China. Page 97 Back
81.Surya Shirley (2010). How modern is modern architecture in China (1949-1979)? Probing for the modern movement through shifts in the state, industrialisation and style in China’s architectural production. Page 73 Back
82.15-09-1954 Zhou Enlai "Report to the First Session of the First NPC" Back
83.Hu Xiao (2006). Preserving the Old Beijing: The First Conflict between Chinese Architects and the Communist Government in the 1950s. Page 2 See also Wong Sidney (2015). Searching for a modern, humanistic planning model in China: The planning ideas of Liang Sicheng, 1930-1952. Journal of Architectural and Planning Research, 32, 4. Pages 324-345. Cathcart (2010) remarks "Walls were used to symbolize the supposedly monolithic force of 'tradition' and confining aspects of chinese culture. City walls were not only viewed as old, they were also thought to have been ineffective in resisting the Japanese." Cathcart Adam (2010) Walls as multivalent icons in early people's republican cartoons, 1946-1951. In Forges Roger des, Gao Minglu, e.o. (2010). Chinese walls in time and space. A multidiscipilinary perspective. Page 176-177 Back
84.Surya (2010). How modern is modern architecture in China. Page 48 Back
85.Xingfu Village in the Chongwen Gate area of Beijing. Gang (2012) notices "The Caoyang New Workers’ Village, Shanghai’s first of its kind, became a symbol for a newly hegemonic working class, a symbol to be broadcast all over the city and all over the country." "Considered as an ideological product, the New Workers’ Villages brought to the stage the force of a new political power, symbolizing the new political orientation of the new regime, and in this new form of space fashioned a dream of a new golden age, a prototypical prefiguration of the ‘communism’ to come."Gang (2012) Socialist Shanghai. Page 479 Back
86.Lu Duanfang (2006). Travelling urban form: the neighbourhood unit in China. Page 377. In the first phase of the development of the village the kitchens and toilets are public Back
87.The old summer palace and its garden in Beijing are constantly looted. "Other beneficiaries of the theft of stones (bricks and rockeries) were the new public parks, universities and libraries of the city. The plunder of bricks, roof tiles, slabs of stone, wooden supports, pipes and so on continued daily for some thirty years; and well into the 1950s there were reports that the antique markets of Liuli Chang I were still offering bric-a-brac from the palaces." Barme Geremie R. (1996). The gardens of perfect brightness, a life in ruins. Page 140 Back
88.Zhao Jijun (2008). Thirty years of landscape design in China (1949-1979): The era of Mao Zedong. Page 67 Back
89.Zhao (2008). Thirty years of landscape design in China. Page 70 Back
90.In Beijing 1.7 million fish are released in the lakes of the Summer Palace and North Sea Park. Zhao (2008). Page 70 Back
91.Zhao (2008). Page 60 Back
92.Nianhua are used to decorate the homes and to protect the dwellers. Deities and Gods are the prominent genres. The aesthetic quality or intrinsic value of the prints is very low. They are simply in design, bright colored and easy to produce. "Directive of the Cultural Ministry of the Central People's Government on Launching New Year Picture Work" November 1949. In 1950: 8 million are published, in 1952: 40 million and in in 1954: 60 million Back
93.Hung Chang-Tai (2000). Repainting China: New Year Prints (Nianhua) and Peasant Resistance in the Early Years of the People's Republic. Page 776 Back
94.Hung (2000). Repainting China Page 800 Back
95.Hung (2000). Repainting China Page 797 Back
96.Zheng Shengtian (2012). Retrace the Route of Contemporary Art in China - A Curatorial Mission. Harrison remarks "The use of color in painting, especially red, had clearly defined parameters of what it symbolized. The emphasis of the color red in painting was immense; red being super-imposed with traits of strength, courage, intelligence, warmth, life and the color that represents the modern times or rather the 'new life' that influenced so many artists during this period."Harrison (2000). The Politics Underlying the Art Movements in China Page 18 Back
97.Cheung Yin-ki Bianca (2007) Iconography of Socialist Revolution: Construction of an Optimistic Imagery in Maoist China, 1949-1976. Page 6 Back
98.Galikowski (1990). Art and Politics in China. Page 29 Back
99.Galikowski (1990). Page 35 Back
100.Pozzi Laura(2019). A City, its History, and its Museum(s): Making the Shanghai History Museum / Shanghai Revolution Museum. Page 8 Back
101.Ho Denise Y. (2012). Reforming Connoisseurship: State and Collectors in Shanghai in the 1950s and 1960s. Pages 613, 617.. "Just as the Central Military Commission issued directives to protect the Forbidden City, so too did the Shanghai Military Commission provide notices to gather ancient cultural relics that were the 'treasures of national culture and precious materials of national history.'" Page 15 Back
102.Hung Chang-tai (2007). Oil paintings and politics: weaving a heroic tale of the Chinese revolution. Page 786 Back
103.Ho Denise Y. (2018).Curating Revolution Politics on Display in Mao’s China. Page 2 Back
104.Castle Nora (2013). Remaking Mao. From propaganda to pop culture. Page 45 Back
105.Ohlberg Mareike Svea (2013). “Creating a favorable international public opinion environment: external propaganda (duiwai xuanchuan) as a global concept with Chinese characteristics” Page 128 Back
106.Zhou Chenshu (2016). The versatile film projectionist: How to show films and serve the people in the 17 years period, 1949–1966. Page 9 Back
107.Landsberger Stefan R. (2014). Dreaming the Chinese Dream How the People’s Republic of China Moved from Revolutionary Goals to Global Ambitions. Page 254 Back
108.Landsberger Stefan R. (2013). Contextualising (propaganda) posters. Page 392. ".., it can be calculated that in 1949, 379 different poster designs were published, with a total print run of almost 6.8 million copies. As for their contents, some ten per cent of these were devoted to the founding of the PRC, and 13 per cent had the deep love of the people for the leadership as their subject. While another ten per cent showed the close relations between the Army and the people, a whopping 31 per cent of them were devoted to agricultural production. Such data really can point to the political priorities at the time.15" Pages 389-390 Back
109.Shen Kuiyi (2000). Publishing Posters Before the Cultural Revolution. Page 184 Back
110.Donald Stephanie Hemelryk(2014). Red Aesthetics, Intermediality and the Use of Posters in Chinese Cinema after 1949. Page 9. The CCP understands the influence of radio broadcasting "As early as in May 22, 1950, China National Radio ( 中国中央广播电台) started broadcasting programs in Tibetan, and programs in Mongolian, Korean, Zhuang, and Kazakh went on air shortly after. 149 These programs reported on the contemporary life of minority nationalities, propagated the Party’s nationality policies, and informed the audience of the Party’s stance on issues pertaining to China’s borderlands. Besides serving minority nationality listeners, multi-lingual programs aurally registered ethnic heterogeneity in China." Lu Xiaoning (2008). Biopolitics and Cinema. Pages 85-86 Back
111.Zhang Jishun (2014). Creating “Masters of the Country” in Shanghai and Beijing: Discourse and the 1953–54 Local People's Congress Elections. Pages 1074-1075 Back
112.Taylor Jeremy E. (2013). The Sinification of Soviet Agitational Theatre: ‘Living Newspapers’ in Mao’s China. Page 41 Back
113.Yu Minling (2005). Learning from the Soviet Union: CPC Propaganda and Its Effects A study Centered on the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association. Pages 2-3. Yu also notices "Lüshun residents had strong negative responses; they vented their anger on the Soviets living in their city, quarreled with Soviet soldiers, or pushed and jostled Soviet people on streetcars, sometimes even beating them up. Page 5 Back
114.Volland (2008). Page 65 Back
115.Altehenger Jennifer (2013). A Socialist Satire: Manhua Magazine and Political Cartoon Production in the PRC, 1950–1960. Page 79. The ministry of propaganda issued special handbooks as reference material for cartoonists. "Source material is difficult to obtain, particularly for amateurs, and here was a plentiful supply of it for amateur cartoonists and artists, showing the way every important personality should be drawn, in simplified fashion, and showing how every important political issue of the day should be represented pictorially. The Party, with its usual skill in exploiting the indomitable, finer qualities in any people, assumed correctly that once a cartoonist or artist had folio wed the models shown in the propaganda sketch book, he would be inclined to believe that they were true, and even to argue that they were, for weren’t his own creations and honor at stake? The result was a complete unity achieved in all of Red China’s media for the communication of thought, from the daily press in a big city to an amateur play troupe in a distant middle school. That was why, no matter what the publication or organ and no matter where it came from inside Red China, there was always a faithful similarity in expression." Hunter Edward (1953). Brainwashing in red China: The calculated destruction of men's minds. Page 213. Back
116.Mao Zedong 02-05-1942 Speeches at the Yan'an Forum of Literature and Art Back
117.Houn Franklin W. & Hou Fu-Wu (1961). To Change a Nation: Propaganda and Indoctrination in Communist China. Page 9 Back
118.Houn (1961). To Change a Nation. Page 18 Back
119.Zhao Mi (2014). From singing girl to revolutionary artist: female entertainers remembering China’s socialist past (1949–the present). Page 184 Back
120.Johnson Matthew David (2015).Beneath the Propaganda State: Official and Unofficial Cultural Landscapes in Shanghai, 1949–1965. Page 209 Back
121.Hung Chang-Tai (1997). Two Images of Socialism: Woodcuts in Chinese Communist Politics. Page 35 Back
122. Perry Elizabeth J.(2012). Anyuan: Mining China’s Revolutionary Tradition. Page 155. Not only is the propaganda system built on Yan'an experiences but also on Imperial and GMD traditions. Back
123.Johnson Matthew David (2015).Beneath the Propaganda State. Pages 203, 208 Back
124. Cong Xiaoping (2016). Marriage, Law and Gender in Revolutionary China, 1940–1960. Pages 258-259 Back

Documents...

02-05-1942 Speeches at the Yan'an Forum of Literature and Art
30-10-1944 Mao Zedong The united front in cultural work
6-7-1949 Zhou Enlai Political report to the national congress of workers in literature and art
1-1-1950 CCP Central Committee Decisions concerning Establishing a Propaganda Network for the Popular Masses in the Entire Party
26-10-1950 Instructions concerning Conducting Propaganda on Current Affairs Nationwide
23-05-1951 Liu Shaoqi "The Party's Tasks on the Propaganda Front"

Meetings...

2-7-1949 - 21-7-1949 The national assembly of literary and art workers
7-5-1951 - 23-5-1951 First National conference on propaganda work
23-9-1953 - 6-10-1953 Second meeting of the FLAC
22-5 1954 - 25-5-1954 Second National conference on propaganda work
List of directives concerning publishing of books and journals
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