Article 45 of the Common Program

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At the All-China Congress of Literary and Arts Workers , held in Beijing from July 2 until July 27, 1949, the Congress affirmed Mao Zedong's "Speeches at the Yan'an Forum of Literature and Art" as the guiding principle, that literature and art should serve politics and serve the worker, the peasant, and the soldier and that artists should question their own political position and attitudes. The Congress did not change, but rather confirmed the relationship between literature and art on the one hand and politics on the other, and drew up guidelines for creating literary works. It followed that political criteria should always take priority over artistic criteria in the evaluation of art. However, art should not be mere propaganda (education) but also provide accessible entertainment to the masses. Writers and artists are tasked with both educating and learning from the masses. Artists devoid of political engagement are deemed ineffective, while those openly opposed to the new ideology pose a threat. Extensive and ongoing artistic oversight is deemed necessary, although these regulations are subject to reinterpretation based on evolving political goals. Future artwork has to serve urban residents and industrial workers while continuing to meet the demands of the vast rural population. Mass art, amateur artistic creations of workers and peasants, is encouraged. As early as 1950, there were circular exhibitions of amateur art of workers in various factories in Beijing. At this congress, Zhou Enlai divided in his speech "A political report to Congress of Literature and Art workers" artists into two groups: “new art workers” who had worked in the Communist base and “old artists” from the Nationalist-controlled area. China's foremost urban artists and emerging cultural figures were ostensibly invited to contribute to the supervision of cultural and political events. However, they were actually regarded with suspicion due to their perceived questionable class status. A minority of the party's cultural leaders pointed out that class had also been a concern for "old liberated area" cultural workers. The Congress ended in the founding of the China Federation of Literary and Art Circles (FLAC). The federation is a union of various literary and art associations, which include the Chinese Writers’ Association, the Chinese Musicians’ Association, the Chinese Film Workers’ Association, the Chinese Dramatists’ Association, the Chinese Dancers’ Association, the Chinese Ballad Singers’ Association, the Chinese Artists’ Association, the Chinese Calligraphers’ Association, the China Society for the Study of Folk Literature and Art, the Chinese Photographers’ Society, and the Chinese Acrobats’ Association. All these associations are people’s cultural organizations.

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In 1949, the CCP initiated the eradication of cultural expressions from capitalist countries and traditional cultural practices from China's imperial past. However, the establishment of the PRC in 1949 did not signify a definitive turning point in China's cultural landscape. Chinese society had undergone significant transformations prior to 1949, and the CCP's success reflected this 'modern' evolution rather than instigating it. Despite the Communist regime's assertion of a complete departure from traditional ideology, its historical trajectory reveals distinct continuities with both the recent and distant past. In the "absence" of the traditional culture, there arose a necessity to institute a fresh culture, complete with a set of novel values and concepts. This was essential not just for widespread acceptance but crucially to garner backing for the new regime, thereby transforming the populace into "new citizens." Yet, during the initial post-liberation period, it proved impractical for the Chinese regime to swiftly construct an entirely new culture. Furthermore, it wasn't imperative, as a suitable culture could be readily adopted from the "Soviet big brother" and adjusted to align with the requirements of the CCP. The policy on cultural heritage alternated between an exclusivist "class" or "proletarian" perspective and a more inclusivist "national" approach. For example, while the CCP maintained unwavering hostility toward popular religion, it was generally supportive of traditional practices like landscape painting and calligraphy. The CCP controlled 2 major channels by which artists were able to gain regular access to the public, these were art publications and exhibitions. In 1949, more than forty different cultural magazines and journals started to publish. All publications were sponsored and edited by official organizations or cultural institutions. Exhibitions, as the secondary avenue through which Chinese artists reached the public, were subject to stringent oversight from official art bodies at both national and local levels. Artists were largely unable to organize their own exhibitions, largely due to the control exerted by FLAC and the Ministry of Culture over all suitable public venues for display. Additionally, there existed an unwritten rule, as described by one artist and art critic, which discouraged artists from attempting to hold exhibitions without official authorization. See below
Following 1949, there was a necessity for a shift in the mindset of the 'people'. Workers were no longer depicted solely as victims of harsh exploitation and mistreatment, a portrayal marked by passivity and submission. The emergence of a new political culture and discourse not only solidified a different form of worker identity but also brought about significant transformations in the urban landscape itself. A city like Shanghai is no longer seen as a city of consumption, but by transition (urban planning in Shanghai has ideological considerations; making the working class master of their own affairs, changing the colonialist face of the city, and demonstrating the superiority of socialism) changing to one of production. Rapid industrialization became the driving force of socialist economic planning, with particular emphasis on heavy industry such as steel works and truck factories. In practice, cities were divided into four categories according to the degree of industrial construction:

This transformation evoked resistance and in 1951 a meeting of more than eight hundred artists and writers is held to overcome the resistance. Zhou Yang "listed three major mistakes of artists: emphasizing individual experience over identifying with the masses, being reluctant to engage in the work of popularization, and ignoring the study of political ideology "

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In 1953, there was a shift in focus in the art world, moving from popularization to "socialist realism." Zhou Yang emphasized the Party's policy as the guiding principle for artistic production, highlighting the importance for artists to depict the relationship between the Party and the people, the Party's leadership, exemplary Party members, and the merits of the people's democratic system. At the same time, Zhou Yang emphasized that socialist realism should possess a nationalistic style and rigor. He stated that the new task for artists and writers was to systematically study China's native heritage so that socialist realism could be grounded in the country's own tradition, and to transform this tradition into a new form of popular art. This transition marked a departure from the Western-oriented perspective and urban-centric modern vision that characterized the May Fourth anti-traditionalist movement. The new agenda focused on rediscovering and affirming the indigenous resources attributed to the Chinese people, now acknowledged and invoked as the historical subject and foundation of national liberation. Furthermore, the program incorporated the artist's self-transformation as an essential component of the creative process, emphasizing a meaningful synthesis of art and life, self and nation, as its dialectical and fulfilling culmination.
"Socialist Realism focused on industrial plants, blast furnaces, power stations, construction sites and people at work; and, less frequently, on happy peasants bringing in bumper harvests of grain, cotton and vegetables; this assorted catalogue of success and abundance stressed the importance of the economic and industrial development of the country. " Fig. 45.2 shows the difference between the socialist cinema and the bourgeois cinema.

In short, socialist realism has to show society as it should be.
Art creates prestige on an international scale. Culture exchange is an instrument in the Cold War. Both the SU and the US try to expand their sphere of influence. One of the instruments is cultural diplomacy. In East Asia, the US focuses on Taiwan and Hong Kong to counter the growing influence of the SU on the mainland. The SU is the coordinator of a cultural network from Eastern Europe to Korea and Vietnam in the east. The exchanges consist of mutual visits and performances by delegations of writers, orchestras, and artists and in interactions between students in arts. "The arrival of visiting delegations from the Soviet Union in particular provided the newly founded nation with legitimacy and proved that the PRC was accepted as member of the socialist world." A large delegation of 400 members (writers, musicians, artists, and athletes) took part in the fourth World Youth Festival (Bucharest, Romania). This festival (2-16 August 1953), had over 28,000 participants from 106 nations.
During the years 1949-1954, the Chinese art scene of this transitional era appears intricate and even bewildering. These early years were primarily focused on the assertive consolidation of Communist authority within artistic circles and the strategic collaboration with non-Communist artists. The mingling of artists from diverse backgrounds resulted in significant tension within the nascent system. While non-Communist artists navigated the evolving political landscape, the CCP also encountered substantial friction and unanticipated resistance from within its ranks.

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Shortly after the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the government issued "The Temporary Measures on the Prohibition against the Exit of Precious Cultural Relics and Books" (May 24, 1950). This initiative aimed to safeguard China's cultural legacy and prevent valuable cultural artifacts and books pertaining to revolution, history, culture, and the arts from being taken out of the country. The legislation also introduced a novel classification for "revolutionary documents and artifacts." Other directives were the Directive on the Protection Measures for Monuments, Valuable Cultural Relics, Books, and Rare Animals and Plants and on the Interim Measures for the Investigation and Excavation of Archaeological Sites and Ancient Tombs (May 24, 1950) of the CPG, the Directive on the Collection of Revolutionary Relics (June 16, 1950) of the GAC, the Instructions on the Protection of Historical Monuments and Buildings (July 6, 1950) of the GAC, and the Notice on the Use of Relevant Laws and Regulations on Cultural Relics as Reference Materials in the Training of Land Reform Cadres (August 1, 1950) of the Ministry of Culture. "On May 7, 1951, the Ministry of Culture and Ministry of Internal Affairs of the central government released the Rules on the Division of Powers and Responsibilities for the Management of Scenic Spots of Historical Significance and the Management Measures for the Protection of Local Scenic Spots of Historical Significance, which marked the establishment of the governmental system of cultural heritage conservation. Provinces and cities set up Cultural Relics Management Committees within their own local governments in order to protect and manage historical buildings, archaeological sites, and revolutionary sites as well as to collect valuable cultural books, relics, and revolutionary relics from around the country." Provincial governments were required to publish lists of important, well-known cultural relics and monuments, put up official plaques to protect them and various public education campaigns should be launched to raise people‘s awareness of cultural heritage and common conservation techniques, and mass conservation activities should be conducted. In August 1953, the GAC issued a directive, reaffirming the "Interim Measures for the Investigation and Excavation of Ancient Cultural Sites and Ancient Tombs" issued by the GAC in 1950, stipulating unauthorized excavation shall not be allowed, and offenders will be punished according to the seriousness of the circumstances.
From 1952 onwards, a salvage archaeology program started to rescue valuable papers and books because paper manufacturers throughout the country were purchasing used books as well as newspapers and other scrap paper for pulping. Not only the pulping destroyed many books, in 1950, a campaign of book burning started. The Commercial Press had published some 15,000 titles, by the late summer of 1950, only 8,800 remained. At the end of November, 1951, 1,354 remained, or 14 percent of the original stock, among books on literature, history, and geography, only five to six percent of the original collection survived, among books on social science, three percent survived. Moreover, art objects (often bronze) were purchased to be used in the process of steel production. See below .

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In his "Yan'an Talks", Mao Zedong made no mention of movies, but the same guiding lines were appliedy for this art form. The CCP recognized the importance of films as an easy way to reach a big audience with their political messages. Aesthetics and profit were no longer important. Immediately, the new regime started to promote the viewing of movies. They used different methods to achieve this. First of all, they reduce the price difference between movie theatres and in so doing make the theatres more accessible to ordinary citizens. “Likewise the number of film exhibitions outlets nationwide increased rapidly (…). Upon ‘liberation’ there were approximately 600 movie theaters in China, most of which concentrated in large coastal cities.⁵ The total number of exhibition outlets in 1960 was reported to be 16,849, which included 2,020 movie theaters, 3,051 film clubs and 11,151 film projection teams. At this point, the entire film exhibition system employed 66, 687 workers.”
Secondly, they organized travelling film exhibition teams to bring films to remote areas throughout the country, not only for villagers but also for miners and soldiers who stationed in the remote area. The role of the film projectionist was crucial in customizing the film experience for diverse audiences. They communicated in local dialects or ethnic languages and incorporate various forms of folk art, such as folk songs or folk opera, to introduce and comment on the film before and during the screening, ensuring that the audience could appropriately "appreciate" the film. Following each screening, seminars or discussion groups were arranged to further reinforce the intended political message. The training of the film projectionists was a state project. The Central Film Bureau started a three-month schooling program for over 1800 projectionists. Later on, tens of thousands of projectionists were sent to film theaters, factories, universities, mines, armed forces, and the countryside. From the viewpoint of the general population, state-produced culture was not consistently accessible, especially for those living in remote or economically disadvantaged areas. In contrast, municipal cadre officials and their families were reportedly granted unrestricted access to the system and its resources, including complimentary tickets to performances and private screenings of foreign films. Military personnel and union members enjoyed discounts and other privileges, such as access to exclusive and air-conditioned facilities and leisure clubs. Even outside the Communist Party's Shanghai-based circles, urban dwellers tended to be more frequent participants in cultural activities, on average. Projection teams, an extensive propaganda tool, were required to finance their own equipment. However, in poorer provinces and non-Han regions, where establishing a national identity was deemed an urgent priority, state subsidies remained significantly high.

Thirdly, they organized several film weeks in several cities across the mainland. In 1950, in Beijing, a People’s Democratic Republic Nations Film Week was organized, which showed movies from eight communist countries. In the following 2 years, only the Soviet Film Exhibition was launched nationwide. For example, in big cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou but also in southwestern and northwestern provincial capitals. (For instance, in 1954, a Soviet film week was held in thirty Chinese cities.) "Official statistics reveal that between 1949 and 1956, 19 exhibitions known as ‘Film Weeks’ (dianyingzhou) and featuring films from 12 countries were launched in the People’s Republic of China." The success backfires sometimes "As public outdoor film screenings began appearing regularly in more rural environs, for example, enormous numbers of onlookers created higher risks of injury, and even death, due to overcrowding; this situation occurred several times during 1952."
The showing of films was also used to support political campaigns, As part of a propaganda campaign aimed at increasing public awareness of counterrevolutionaries, a screening tour of "The Invisible Battlefront" was arranged in Beijing. According to a report in the People’s Daily, the film was screened in seventeen work units, including the Shijingshan Steel Plant, Mengtougou Coal Mine, and People’s Printing Factory, from June 25 to July 6, 1950, with an estimated audience of approximately 13,000 people.

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In October 1949, a film censorship regulation was issued. 3 types of films were prohibited: anti-communist, anti-Soviet Union, and those which are racist, pornographic, or superstitious. The directive left much room for interpretation. From 1949 until May 1951, hundreds of pre-revolution Chinese films were shown in Shanghai, along with Hong Kong movies. Although there were still a small number of martial arts productions made between 1938 and 1949, the genre disappeared altogether on the Chinese mainland for three decades. In 1949, almost 70% of the movies were of American origin. In the spring of 1950, a new quota system was announced. 50 to 55% of the screen time was reserved for domestic productions, 20 to 25% for SU films, and no more than 20 to 30% was reserved for US and British movies.

This quota system is partly introduced to reduce the influence of American movies and partly under the pressure of many Chinese well-known directors, scriptwriters, and movie stars to protect the native film industry.
The CCP sought to avoid repeating the Nationalists' mistake of alienating the urban population and recognized that banning all Hollywood films would not be prudent, given their immense popularity in Shanghai. As Xia Yan, Deputy Director of the Office of Cultural Commission, explained, "We can change the old political system overnight, but not people's habits and tastes... For this and other reasons, we decided not to take any overly drastic measures against American films." Reflecting this approach, Beijing's Film Bureau hired staff well-versed in American cinema to ensure both competence and fairness in its interactions with Hollywood. After 1949, most workers in the film industry kept their jobs, only active collaborators with the Japanese occupiers are punished and removed from the film industry.

Until November 1950, American movies were shown in Shanghai, as were hundreds of pre-revolution Chinese films. The main reason for allowing these movies is that an immediate ban will lead to economic problems for the cinema. The CCP started a campaign in which the act of watching American movies is considered decadent, unprogressive, and unpatriotic. In 1922, the CCP already denounced American movies for being over-sexualized, unhealthy. An article “…suggested that American films used sexual imagery to seduce the Chinese, and that watching American films was like smoking opium for the ways in which it enabled imperialism to flourish in China." Tickets for American movies are priced higher than SU or Chinese movies. Partly to keep the audience away and partly to get higher tax revenue for the government. Soviet films are often screened in the morning because they yield a lower box office profit. The movie theaters have also to deal with free showing of SU movies and Chinese docu-dramas in factories and workers clubs.
In October 1950, after the invasion of the Chinese People's Volunteers (CPV) in Korea, American and British movies were banned, and the control on Chinese private studios became tighter. "Some, including several Cantonese films, were simply restricted to limited engagements at a handful of theaters, essentially creating massive financial losses for their producers." During the sanfan campaign (see Article 18 ), several film makers were accused of financial malfeasance and former filmmakers of the GMD occupied areas were suspected of wrong thoughts.

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See Movies posters and data . Once the CCP gained control of northeastern China, they took over the Japanese film studio, transforming it into the Northeast Film Studio, the first state-owned film studio in the PRC. When the CCP military occupied Shanghai, they implemented their plan to create "absolutely dominant" state-run film production studios under Party leadership. A key aspect of this plan involved bringing in a group of revolutionary writers and artists from various field armies and liberated regions. This was done to break the monopoly of the older generation of filmmakers and establish a new order in the film industry. During the 1950s, Japanese technicians continued to supervise aspects of production as well as the processing of film stock. In 1950, the Northeast Film studio had finished 13 feature films. During the period from 1949 to 1954, the prevailing style of filmmaking was melodrama. The primary objectives for cinema in New China were to validate the new social structure and to encourage public engagement in socialist development by evoking emotional responses. This was exemplified by the two slogans - "worker-peasant-soldier films" and "representing grand subjects" - which were established as guiding principles for filmmaking during the early years of PRC cinema. The CCP sets forth multiple objectives for the film industry. These included the establishment of an autonomous and self-reliant national cinema, intended to serve as a means of disseminating its policies and ideology. Additionally, it aimed to develop a revolutionary aesthetic that reconciled foreign cinematic influences, such as classical Hollywood narration, Soviet montage, and Japanese animation techniques, with traditional Chinese aesthetic elements found in literature, opera, drama, and painting. Cinema is considered a modernization project, it reflects the ongoing socialist construction in China. Between 1949 and February 1951, 7 private studios received loans totaling 21 million yuan. The government also provides film stock and equipment. The significance of the Hong Kong film industry should not be underestimated. Often overlooked in accounts of the mainland film industry, Hong Kong served as a crucial hub for Communist networking and cultural organization before the Communist takeover. It also acted as a key channel for recruiting artistic talent back to Shanghai after 1949. Some of the most prominent Communist-affiliated writers and filmmakers—including future central leaders such as Guo Moruo, Mao Dun (Shen Yanbing), Yang Hansheng, Xia Yan, Yu Ling, and Ouyang Yuqian—had assembled in Hong Kong in mid-1948 to evade capture by the Nationalists.
From 1950 on, an annual production plan was developed and the content had been determined. The Ministry of Culture, for instance, issued the plan for 1951, which scheduled to complete eighteen new films reflecting eleven themes. The themes are: CCP’s struggle against the Japanese and the GMD; socialist construction; land reform; world peace (Korea War); minorities; science; historical figures, especially peasant rebels, patriotic heroes and heroines, and artists and scientists; adaptations of literary classics and Chinese mythology and other subjects including public security personnel, scientists, teachers, medical workers, students, children, and fishermen. Comedy as a genre was notably underdeveloped and marginalized during the period spanning from 1949 to 1955. The prevailing mode of filmmaking in the early years of New China primarily consisted of melodramas, which aimed to provide moral guidance and glorify the triumph of revolutionary virtue over reactionary forces. The primary objective for New China cinema during this period was to legitimize the new social order by evoking emotional responses from the audience. In the feature films produced in the early 1950s, "class" emerged as the central critical perspective and organizing principle for both narrative and visual presentation. The explicit emphasis on an orthodox Marxist understanding of class within a context of mass education was unprecedented, and the films produced served as experimental ventures by writers, directors, and policymakers in this respect.
In the beginning, Chinese directors considered the American movies as their source of inspiration, as they tried to mix political correctness and commercial appeal. “The Western lifestyle and the Hollywood model that the film was supposed to criticize were part of its appeal, a fact both critics and the audience quickly picked up.” The CCP decided to reverse this trend and started sending Chinese study groups of filmmakers to the SU to learn about various practices in the Soviet film industry. They had to learn revolutionary realism and not to identify with the petty bourgeoisie and not to cater to the tastes of politically backward citizens. In January 1953, Ministry of Culture invited five Soviet experts, who specialized in film technique and film distribution, to help China draft the first Five-Year Plan of developing film industry. These experts spent four months investigating in China. A Film Guidance Committee of the Ministry of Culture was established in July 1950, in just over a year, it rejected more than 40 film scripts.
Serious critique arose after the release of the movie “The life of Wu Xun” (February 1951). The film was a great success and praised by a number of high-level Party officials (including Zhou Enlai ). Mao Zedong criticized the movie for endorsing feudal culture and reactionary ideologies. While no artists or officials faced punishment, the association of a film about a historical figure with reactionary concepts discouraged filmmakers from pursuing projects that they feared could lead to official condemnation. Film production experienced a sharp decline from fifty-six films in 1950 to only one short film in 1951 and four feature films in 1952. Many individuals in the film industry prioritized political safety over artistic innovation, uncertain about how to navigate the new political landscape. This clash can be interpreted as a struggle between urban-based underground (before 1949) artists with “May Fourth New Culture and left-wing literary frameworks, practices, and artistic tastes” and the rural-based CCP predominantly military camp with peasants as its rank and file. The campaign against the movie 'The Life of Wu Xun' was driven by both ideological and economic factors. A key reason for the crisis in the private studio film-making tradition was the Party's economic imperative to transition the film industry from the private sector to the public sector. Although private studio artists actively adapted their work to align with the new political climate, they became targets of the campaign for obstructing this economic transformation. The campaign elevated Party authorities and critics while sidelining Shanghai’s private studio artists. These artists were compelled to change their economic standing by joining state-owned studios, further reshaping their artistic legacies in the hope of reclaiming their former celebrity status.
Chinese movies were tightly regulated by the CCP, while Soviet Union films were largely accepted without much criticism. This was partly because Soviet films had less direct relevance to domestic politics and posed fewer potential challenges to the regime. Additionally, the significant role played by foreign films in fostering diplomatic relationships often shielded them from the level of editing, criticism, and censorship commonly faced by domestic films. During the 1950s, when China enjoyed stronger relations with the Soviet bloc countries and had more confidence in their ideological alignment, the idea of banning or heavily censoring their films was unlikely to arise. Although minor edits and alterations to dialogue did occur, they were not as freely applied as they were in domestic productions. The criticism extended to all other private studio productions. Several communist leaders (including Zhou Enlai) and directors have to make self-criticism. Moreover, the Party encouraged former movies stars to use self-criticisms as a tool in remoulding themselves. In 1952, all private studios are nationalized, 3 years ahead of other economic sectors. A dual process of combining state planning with financial self-sufficiency is introduced. Clark (2012) observes: "In all Chinese studios the most prominent directors, writers, cinematographers, and other artists in the 1950s through to the 1970s and even later had started their film careers before 1949. These included older-generation filmmakers such as director Wu Yonggang (1907–83), writer-director Cai Chusheng (1906–68), and cinematographer Qian Jiang (b. 1919), and those, like Xie Jin (1923–2008), who had started in the industry in postwar Shanghai and remained active for over half a century after 1949."

Films depicting the lives of minorities stood out from those centered on the 'Han' majority. Minority women were portrayed wearing vibrant attire adorned with meticulously crafted and distinctly feminine accessories, engaged in activities such as embroidery and music-making for their loved ones. These gender-specific portrayals, typically taboo in most films during the Seventeen Years Period (1949-1966), were presented openly. While ethnic minority women were permitted to embrace their femininity and unique cultural practices, their femininity and behaviors were not self-defined but rather shaped by the framework of the CCP's identity-building, unifying, and women's emancipation campaigns. Despite longing for the perceived femininity of their Han counterparts, the femininity of minority women was and continues to be influenced by "internal Orientalism," constraining the apparent versatility and freedom portrayed on screen within this framework. Frangville (2007) summarized the typical elements of the movies about minorities in the 1950’s "Ubiquitous Han CCP cadre - "Big brother" han liberator of non-Han - Love story exclusively between minority minzu - Feminized figure - Exoticism - Backwardness, superstitions as a brake on progress, to educate - Identification in political unity."
In 1950, the Northeast Film Studio produced "Spring in Inner Mongolia”, the first ethnic minority film in the PRC. Li Weihan and Ulanhu criticized the movie as inappropriate because it violated the ethnic policy of the government. Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and finally Mao Zedong conveyed several instructions, and the movie was renamed “Victory for the people of Inner Mongolia” and re-screened in 1951.
Lu (2014) concludes "...ethnicity was rather an artificial construction than a scientifically identifiable object. This genre of film neither intends to create essentialist knowledge of specific nationality, nor does it aim to construct an ethnic norm."

On August 1, 1952 the PLA Film Studio is founded. " From 1952 to 1956 this studio made 23 military-educational films, six political-educational filmsp 58 documentaries, and three feature films and translated 80 foreign films, mostly from the Soviet Union,²⁴" In 1949 the ministry of agriculture established the Agricultural Film Studio, in the first years of its existence it only made silent movies. The Shanghai Scientific and Educational Film Studio was founded on february 2, 1953 and produced in the same year 10 science and education films and 27 titles. A translation team was set up to translate foreign scientific and educational films. The PRC exported 1309 films in the period between 1949-1957. These films were sent to both socialist and non-socialist countries, with the percentage of full-length films sent to socialist countries ranging from a high of 77.4 per cent in 1951 to a low of 38 per cent in 1957. The films reached global audiences of over 344 million with many featured in international film festivals. Of these exported films, 662 were full-length feature films, 156 full-length documentaries, 18 short scientific films (only after 1955), and 473 other short films. (Of which more than 386 after 1954). The significance of this export cannot be overstated. Chinese films depicting struggles against imperialist forces and the GMD not only reinforced a national narrative for domestic audiences but also, through targeted export to Eastern Europe, enabled China to assert a prominent position in revolutionary history, second only to that of the Soviet Union.
Among the first Sino-Soviet film collaborations were the documentaries Victory of the Chinese People and Liberated China. Filmmakers working in areas recently occupied by the PLA recreated vivid scenes showcasing the economic benefits of “liberation,” the capture and punishment of oppressors, and widespread enthusiasm for CCP rule. The CCP Central Committee Propaganda Department sent personnel directly to war zones to ensure the project's completion. As part of the propaganda effort, the Xinhua News Agency was tasked with meeting specific requests from the central leadership, providing footage of restored war-damaged factories, rebuilt railways and bridges, land reform, the liberation of minority areas, monuments to revolutionary martyrs, and public trials of "imperialist" elements. Once released, these films were used as propaganda both domestically and internationally to legitimize the newly established PRC government. By the end of 1949, the Communists operated fifty-eight documentary production teams.
In 1953 the Central News Documentary Film Studio is founded, it produces films with topics on national news, military life, natural scenery and sports events. Chinese documentaries 1949-1954 On 13 November 1953, the Deputy Minister of the Propaganda Department Zhou Yang explained: "(We know that) the urban population doesn’t like our documentary films, but we can’t follow their wishes. We need to find ways to lead them. We should educate them, and let them know that the action of refusing to watch documentary films testifies to backwardness in political ideology. When we moved into the cities, the residents didn’t like to read our newspaper at the beginning either. What has happened now? They are getting used to it. We should use our socialist thoughts and feelings to get rid of those unsocialist thoughts and feelings within the population at large."
A month later, at the First Conference on News Documentary Filmmaking, held from December 1953 to January 1954, Zhou Yang, declared that the primary purpose of documentary filmmaking was "to educate the masses about Socialism" and "to elevate the Socialist consciousness of the people." He emphasized that films should highlight models of Socialist construction. Zhou also stressed the unique nature of the documentary genre, which lies in its cinematic portrayal of reality. He explained that the concept of 'zhenshi' (real, actual, true, truthfulness) in news documentaries differs from other art forms. While other arts, though rooted in reality, can use imagination to interpret and expand, news documentaries must present things as they are and events as they unfold. The essence of documentary film, he asserted, is its non-fictional nature, as any fabrication of events would undermine its credibility. Zhou further elaborated that 'zhenshi' manifests in three ways: as an "actual event," through "truthful perspectives in the selection of materials," and by using "truthful methods in dealing with materials." He concluded by saying, we oppose the fabrication of events, but we are equally against a naturalism that presents raw footage without editorial shaping.

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As in many other aspects of the Chinese society “learning from the SU” was introduced in the Chinese film making. Beginning with reediting, translating, and dubbing of Soviet movies. (In the period between 1949-1954, more than 60 SU movies were translated or dubbed.) Most of the audience were not familiarized with SU movies. Nor with the Soviet culture and history. Film projection teams provided an introduction before the show, explained the plots during the show, and held discussions after the show about the meaning of each Soviet movie. Later, several Chinese film makers were sent to Moscow to learn from the Soviet directors. The Soviet movies were considered as “ideologically correct” and were seen as a model of socialist cinema. The Soviet movies were studied and the doctrine of “socialist realism” was made the guiding principle of moviemaking. Besides distrust of the class biases of the directors of the private film studios, a third reason to "learn from SU" was the belief in proletarian internationalism. Soviet World War II films were shown to CPV soldiers to show that this war was part of the struggle of socialist states to survive.
Soviet movies provided a glimpse into the future of China, not only in economic but also social aspects. By portraying "happy, emancipated women" in Soviet films, the CCP utilized concrete examples to impart basic knowledge about socialism and the path to women's liberation. Additionally, the ideal of socialist womanhood depicted in Soviet cinema served as a model for educating Chinese women along party lines, guiding them on matters such as state-individual relations, love, marriage, family, and work, aligning with the "historical task" of building socialism in China. Through this approach, Soviet films facilitated the rapid integration of the female population into the formation of the socialist state. Moreover, the CCP viewed Soviet culture as epitomizing the most advanced socialist achievements, making it the ideal material for shaping China's "socialist new man," not only for women but also for the broader population. See also Article 6. As the Chinese spectators become more fimiliar to the Soviet movies, the popularity increased. Movies like Tractor Drivers (1939; PRC 1951), Kuban Cossacks (1949; PRC 1950), and Tales of the Siberian Land (1947; PRC 1951), The Fall of Berlin (1949; PRC 1950) Village Schoolteacher (1947; PRC 1950), She Defends the Motherland (1943; PRC 1951). Village Schoolteacher and She Defends the Motherland were among the first films to be imported into the PRC and dubbed in Chinese in 1950. The founding of two dubbing studios in Changchun (1949) and Shanghai (1950) helped to broaden the scope of audiences for foreign films. However, dubbing any film into all languages spoken in China was impossible. (See Linguistic map) "dubbed foreign films were dedicated to three functions: to supplement domestic productions, to educate the people, and to betoken diplomatic friendships. These three functions were sometimes interlinked but throughout the seventeen-year period (1949-1966) they were often in the process of conflicting and competing for priority." The audience numbers for Tractor Drivers and Kuban Cossacks exceeded 17 million each in their first two years of circulation. Soviet actors and actress were increasingly popular. However, many SU films screened in the 1950s were actually box office failures, and attendance statistics were often overblown, as they included large portions of elementary and secondary school students. Dubbing movies was a possible career opportunity for ex GMD directors (for example Liu Guoquan, Xu Ming) or actors (for example Han Fei, returned in 1952 from Hong Kong and Sun Daolin).

The new regime started promoting SU movies as the new model of filmmaking. The Chinese films produced after 1949 reflect increasingly the CCP’s political and ideological agenda and less the taste of the audience. Movies from other communist coutries were shown. For example, "Czechoslovak films were shown to large audiences in some twenty cities in China already by 1953. The Czechoslovak Film Festival became an annual event, and photography exhibits were frequent."
The first Western film shown on the mainland since 1950 was the Italian film, "The Bicycle Thief." Chinese soundtrack was dubbed in and it was first shown in ten Beijing cinemas in 1954.

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"The New Culture Movement of 1915-1919" and "The May Fourth Movement of 1919-1921" marked a significant turn in Chinese literature, for instance, the use of vernacular language and the rejection of using literary language and forms. Most writers saw themselves as political figures, the social and political implications of their works were more important than their aesthetic value. A substantial cohort of "liberal writers" held diverse views on the autonomy of literature. Their core beliefs revolved around the idea that literature should not be subservient to politics or religion, advocating for writers to prioritize artistic loyalty, maintain "independent knowledge and experience," and craft "enduring works capable of withstanding the passage of time." However, despite their strong opposition to literature being entwined with politics, navigating current political realities presented challenges, making it challenging to entirely disentangle from political choices. By the late 1940s, the 'left-wing' literature emerged as the most influential faction. Their primary post-war objective was to promote the "new direction for literature and art" established through the rectification of literature and the arts in Yan'an. Building on political and military victories, their aim was to spread this direction across the nation until achieving the desired "integration" of literary forms. Mao Zedong sees only one way "If our writers and artists who come from the intelligentsia want their works to be well received by the masses, they must change and remould their thinking and their feelings. Without such a change, without such remoulding, they can do nothing well and will be misfits." Mao Zedong embraced Lenin's concept of literature as a "cog and screw" within the revolutionary apparatus. To realize this, intellectuals were dispatched to rural areas or factories to immerse themselves in the speech patterns of peasants and workers. They also studied indigenous storytelling, artistic forms, and dramatic traditions, incorporating these elements into their own work to render it more relatable to the populace. In other words, artists changed from an active force in the political arena before 1942 to a passive group to be acted on. Those writers who did not accommodate, received different levels of punishment. The mildest form was self-criticism. It was followed by reeducation in the countryside, army, or factories. Ba Jin, Cao Yu and Ai Wu were sent either to North Korean Front or the factories after the 'Life of Wu Xun' Affair in 1951. See above Mao Zedong criticized not only films but also literature.
Prioritizing the dissemination of literature took precedence over elevating standards. The dissemination of the new political message held greater importance than artistic excellence. While artistic quality was desired, one of the objectives of professionals assisting amateurs was to enhance the quality of amateur productions. However, it was important to ensure that these standards were not set so high as to deter amateurs from participating.
Despite the challenges faced by novelists, Lao She chose to return to China, believing that the new regime offered great promise, particularly for the revival of Chinese culture. Once back, he quickly resumed writing. Although he had spent two years in the United States and maintained friendships there, he openly criticized the U.S. as an imperialist and capitalist nation. At the same time, he kept warm and genuine contact with his American friends. It is possible that Lao She was simply conforming to the expectations placed upon him in China. However, his anti-American writings from this period carry a sense of earnest conviction, while his letters to his American friends reveal a deep sincerity. Perhaps he was conflicted—a state of mind that many others of his time likely shared. A state of mind that many will have had.
Between 1945 and 1955, Chinese literature witnessed several significant developments, with one of the most notable being the emergence of revolutionary heroism. This development was influenced by various factors, including the author's political background, their consideration for the reader or audience, the portrayal of the hero's placement, and their position within society. In literature, the role of the hero was to articulate significant historical narratives from the liberation period while upholding a revolutionary stance. As a result, the hero was often positioned at the center, granted the authority to elaborate on the author's personal experiences. Other characteristics of the new literature are: The plot of the story is influenced by the sadness of war, the joys of liberation, and the need for the Party's internal cohesion. The ideal hero is incapable of presenting typical human instincts, such as self-protection, fear of loss, and death. Love for the Communist Party, the Chairman, the Motherland was another matter altogether, intimacy is no longer a private affair. A wedding ceremony is not described as an important event but rather as a work duty. Most works have happy endings with a rosy future looking ahead. Intellectuals-always easily identifiable by their oversized eyeglasses enter the stage as caricatures: impractical; obfuscating; unintelligible to the masses; mouthing big, empty-sounding slogans. As the countryside was regarded as the primary battleground for China's transformation, artists were required to incorporate meticulously selected aspects of peasant life into their work to authenticate their portrayals. The political restrictions imposed during the 1950s impacted not only works produced and published during that era but also earlier publications, particularly those that had gained popularity. Texts deemed inconsistent with CCP ideology or principles were outright banned. Another factor influencing the revision of literary texts was the Party's language policy, which actively advocated for the standardization of language from the early 1950s onward.
In the beginning of the 1950’s, there is an influx of Soviet literature (Between 1949-1953 about 300 Russian books are translated, ranging from ten to twenty million copies.). Many Soviet novels now have abridged versions written in simple, plain, and sometimes vernacular Chinese suitable to workers, peasants, and soldiers. SU literature became an important example for Chinese writers, yet some aspect of this literature like romance and human psychology remained a sensitive issue for Chinese novelists. The novel ‘Between us and my wife’ written by Xiao Yemu in 1950 aroused widespread praise. Yet, in 1951 it was criticized as being full of bourgeois sentiment. It was in contradiction to the officially prescribed workers, peasants, and soldiers themes. Soviet literature offered Chinese readers an opportunity to experience and empathize with themes that might be labeled as "bourgeois and petty-bourgeois sentiments" in Chinese fiction, without fear of guilt or punishment. The authoritative oversight of the Soviet influence ensured that readers were not concerned about potential political accusations. Consequently, they were able to freely engage with narratives exploring love and human intimacy. Many publishers see the Russian works as a possibility to sustain their revenue and to avoid political sensitivities associated with translations of literature from capitalist nations. Science fiction and adventure novels were particularly popular, as their depictions of a technologically advanced future driven by superior morality and ideology aligned seamlessly with the value systems and visions of a socialist utopia that the CCP aimed to promote through other means. Simultaneously, these novels fostered a sense of community, drawing Chinese readers into a transnational socialist cultural sphere of shared narratives and collective consumption.
The party-state's regulation of sexual media remained incomplete. Despite the prevailing narrative endorsed by the contemporary party-state, individuals in "New China" continued to distribute and consume various forms of erotic media up until the early 1960s. Censorship faced several challenges: firstly, there were persistent continuities in personnel, resources, and motives; secondly, different state agents held conflicting views on how to define and regulate "yellow" content; and finally, while the party-state's control efforts were unprecedentedly robust due to media monopolization and the encouragement of individuals to confess their thoughts, these efforts also exposed new avenues for subversion. Censors were required to closely monitor four sensitive topics: the GMD, anti-Communism, anti-Soviet Union sentiments, and the dissemination of fascist and Trotskyite ideologies. Titles published before 1949 were particularly worrisome. Zhou You referred to these publications as "existing old reactionary books" that demanded immediate attention due to their continued widespread circulation. Another report highlighted that many of these old texts were promoting unhealthy ideas from the standpoint of the exploiting class.
Starting from 1949, the CCP implemented various initiatives aimed at developing a unified, standardized language. This endeavor sought to streamline the communication of the party's policies and ideology while purging the Chinese language of elements deemed inappropriate, such as remnants of pre-modern prose and European-influenced vocabulary. Through these efforts, the CCP aimed to establish a comprehensive system of linguistic regulations, effectively limiting the expression of dissenting ideas and asserting control over language as a domain exclusive to the party. The oversight of spoken and written communication in the PRC formed part of a broader campaign to reshape fundamental human perspectives, with the ultimate objective of transforming human nature. Translators were also bound to the general guideline for the literary and art circles of China—“literature and art should serve the workers, peasants, and soldiers”. Dong Siqiu (1899-1969), a famous translator comments "Even when appropriate translation techniques are used, the major shortcoming in translation is not overcome unless “toxins” in the source texts are eliminated. ... the so-called “incorrect views and ‘toxins’” refers to those that either advocate capitalism or fail to keep up with the development pace of the socialist Soviet Union." See also Article 43
Before 1949, the CCP controlled 2 publishing houses. Sanlian (the result of a merger in 1948 between three leading Shanghai publishers and book stores) was a product of the United Front approach and worked in urban areas under GMD control. The other publishing house Xinhua was under the total control of the CCP and worked in the liberated rural base areas.

Sanlian undoubtedly presented a superior starting point: it possessed familiarity with the urban industrial and market-oriented landscape, demonstrated effectiveness in engaging intellectuals (a pivotal group essential for socialist development), and boasted financial success (a valuable asset during a period of significant financial constraints). However, despite these advantages, Sanlian was never seriously regarded as a model. The Party leadership viewed Xinhua as the sole viable option for shaping the socialist publication sector. The CCP insisted on thorough and direct bureaucratic oversight, even if it resulted in operational challenges in the short term. In July 1954, the writer Hu Feng argued in his "Report on the practice and state of art and literature in recent years" that several writers’ groups should control their own independent publishing houses, with editors appointed by CCP but they should be given absolute authority in editorial matters. In 1955, Hu Feng was arrested as a counter-revolutionary. See also Article 49 "Since no contemporary Chinese writer really satisfied the Communist Party in China, the Party dug out a dead writer who had been famous in pre-Communist days for his sharp attacks on traditional Chinese values and practices. He was Lu Shun(1881-1936). "

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In this section, several forms of storytelling by live performers for a live audience are described. This is not intended to be an exhaustive delineation. The CCP maintained a strong emphasis on theatrical activities of a mass-oriented mission with particular attention focused on workers and soldiers. The drama continued its service to the political needs of the nation. " In 1953 alone, the state-owned theater troupes gave more than 41,000 performances to an audience of over 45,070,000. Of the total performances, 5,200 were staged in the factories and mines with an audience of 7,910,000; more than 2,500 performances were given in the countryside to an audience of 4,140,000. For the armed forces the number of performances exceeded 5,600 audiences comprised of 7,360,000 soldiers." After 1949, approximately 3,000 cultural workers were dispatched to the South and Central Regions to support the land reform campaign. However, reaching the 50 million villagers involved in the land reform proved impossible. To address this, amateur performance troupes were called upon to propagate party policy and mobilize the masses. Yet, these amateur troupes lacked sufficient financial support to produce quality dramas that could satisfy the expectations of a discerning village audience. Local cadres soon recognized that cultural performances were an ideal way to spread propaganda while also generating interest in political meetings that many villagers found tedious. Dramatized narratives effectively stirred anger and conveyed Maoist interpretations of village society. Cadres also had to consider the preferences of their rural audiences. While spoken dramas, northern yangge, and Peking opera were popular in urban areas, they were met with indifference in the countryside. The task of interpreting plays with superstitious, feudal, or anti-proletariat themes was left to the local cadres, leading to ambiguous instructions. This ambiguity created chaos, with some cadres outright banning the performance of traditional dramas altogether in certain areas. The modernization initiative led by the Communist Chinese regime primarily targeted the traditional media's core strength: their status as a form of folk art. The politicization of theater, storytelling, and ballad singing had transformed them from being expressions of the people's culture to becoming instruments of the Party's ideology. These art forms now exclusively served the ruling class, namely the CCP. While they may retain their structural intermediary role, they have essentially become tools of the ruling elite in substance.
The primary factor behind the continued existence of private troupes in Shanghai in 1954 was financial constraints. A survey revealed the presence of 139 troupes comprising over 7300 performers engaged in fourteen different types of theater in the city. However, political authorities allocated only a minority of these troupes to state-owned performing enterprises due to the government's inability to shoulder the financial burden of collectivizing numerous performers, each anticipating stable monthly salaries. Moreover, even collectivized performers resisted integration into state-owned troupes under centralized management, as their government patrons offered significantly lower remuneration compared to their market value. For private troupes, the 1953 policy of "rectification and strengthening" marked another milestone in their ongoing negotiations with an intrusive state presence. These troupes had previously experienced multiple rounds of "rectifications," coinciding with the "Three Antis" and "Five Antis" campaigns of 1951 and 1952. During these processes, the CCP compelled professional troupes to submit to the authority of their local government, accept cadre members as instructors or even troupe leaders, and undergo "democratic reform." At times, rectification posed the risk of becoming a permanent state, even for troupes regularly presenting modern shows. From 1953 onwards Russian drama instructors were invited to teach in Beijing and Shanghai (East China Branch of the Central Drama Institute)

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In ancient China, musicians held a low societal status, often seen as part of the lowest class. In contrast, writers and painters were esteemed members of the intellectual elite. The CCP changed this perception by elevating musicians' status, classifying them as "art workers." However, this came with the trade-off of diminished artistic freedom. Similar to Confucius, Mao Zedong and the CCP emphasized the link between ideology and music. But the CCP went further, asserting that music was pivotal in shaping revolutionary individuals. Two revolutionary operas, "Praise the Son-in-Law" and "The Registry," depicted the new socialist reality. While these operas aligned with the CCP's vision, traditional Beijing opera stayed on its original path during the early years of the People's Republic. Mao expressed disappointment, humorously suggesting renaming the Ministry of Culture. "If nothing else is done, the Ministry of Culture should be renamed the Ministry of Emperors, Kings, Generals, Ministers, Scholars, and Beauties, or else the Ministry of Foreign Things and the Dead."
A division emerged on the role of musical instruments, with Lü Ji viewing them as outdated bourgeois relics, while He Luting believed in preserving musical techniques. Lü Ji states: "We have to realize that the age of piano and violin has gone, it was an old view of the bourgeois individualism epoch. But now it is a new era of the masses. The new music is also in the age of the masses music. The masses music should take vocal music as the major part rather than the musical instruments especially the Western solo instruments including piano and violin" The latter disagrees "...the general political theory could not replace the specific music theory and techniques. Music was an art which should be practiced with proper techniques. Whether you admited these techniques or not, the level of techniques played a major and decisive role in music. From this point of view, he criticized those “musicians” who had never studied music systematically and had no knowledge in music techniques but only had political enthusiasm, ..."
Soon the idea of class perspective of music became overhand, and although many Chinese musicians created a large amount of choral works to serve for the war in Korea (Examples are Yalu River by Ma Sicong, Feihu Mountain Cantata by Zhang Wengang and An Immortal Soldier Huang Jiguang by Shi Yuemeng), they were criticized for paying too much attention to human sympathy or kindness and the story in their works seemed untrue. Radio initiated a program where a musician sang a song in segments for others to echo. The selection of songs for instruction considered the simplicity of the melody, making it easier for listeners to learn, and importantly, the political context during the broadcast. These included "The March of the Volunteers," "All the Peoples of the World United in One Heart," and "Singing the Motherland."
After the Rectification movement of 1942, students started to collect folksong all over the country. Many of the performers of folk songs were women, often either sold into family troupes or daughters of such families. They had an erotic image. According to the Party's perspective, singing girls were portrayed as sufferers of feudal erotic cultural consumption, capitalist manipulation, and imperialist subjugation, referred to as the "Three Big Mountains." Consequently, these singing girls became instrumental in promoting several of the Party's objectives: the emancipation of women, the dissemination of socialist ideals, and the mobilization of the masses. This positioned them ideally to contribute to the Party's multifaceted goals. As a result, it was emphasized that these singing girls should enhance their political, cultural, and professional standing. To achieve this, all Regional culture and education bureaus were tasked with earnestly educating the veteran performers and nurturing individuals who could lead the transformation of traditional opera within this group. Although the official CCP policy aimed to eliminate erotic elements from the performance of socialist new art, the shortage of state funding gave these elements a practical function: generating income. In other words, socialist principles had to compromise with "feudal" cultural practices and a market previously dominated by capitalists and imperialists. After 1949 this search for folk songs continues. Professional musicians adepted most of these songs to bring them to a higher level. Local song and drama groups are nationwide founded. These songs were less subjected to the restriction of ‘proletarian’ music. "Not only the scope of subject selection became wider but also technical treatment turned to be more flexible. They had a common characteristic that they were full of folk emotional appeal and flavor as well as human kindness. " The folk songs are an important propaganda tool. These adapted songs reflect and glorify the common man and the common soldier fighting either against the GMD or Japan. They are used in "... the liberated areas to persuade the masses to think 'revolution' via an approach of 'communality' found through folk themes that everyone was familiar with and could understand." For example the song 东方红 ("East is Red") - probably composed in the 1940s and based on a Shaanxi folk tune.
On October 30, 1944, Mao Zedong states: "In the arts, we must have not only modern drama but also the Shensi opera and the yangko (yangge) dance. Not only must we have new Shensi operas and new yangko dances, but we must also utilize and gradually transform the old opera companies and the old yangko troupes, which comprise 90 per cent of all yangko troupes" In the first years of the new republic, many traditional operas are transformed, according to the slogan “古为新用,洋为中用" (Gu wei jin yong, Yang wei Zhong yong” “to wield through the old to create the new”) These traditional works are revised mainly in the plot (for example no 'kowtowing', humiliation of the hero by feudal rulers, or shows that portrayed landlords as scholars, peasants as clowns, and cadres as wearing green kerchiefs on their heads, symbolizing they had been cuckolded.). The storylines were imbued with reminders of customary conduct, such as honoring parental duties, showing deference to elders and figures of authority, sacrificing for family or nation. The lyrics sung naturally echoed these themes. Whether in urban theaters, or traveling performances in villages, the audience assimilated a moral framework seamlessly intertwined with their entertainment experience. The CCP’s first official banning notice of some operas was released on March 25, 1949. The state apparatus and various regional governments were still in the process of being established. This chaotic situation partly resulted in deviations from the implementation of governmental policies in local regions due to the absence of supervisory bodies or institutions. Banning traditional plays at random became a widespread practice across the country, despite explicit statements from the CCP opposing such actions. In this notice 55 operas were banned. The Ministry of Culture edited the list in July 1950 and prohibited twenty-six traditional operas. Primarily, this action aimed to curb the indiscriminate censorship by local governments and assert the ministry's authority in evaluating the entertainment preferences of the people. However,the banning of operas was still out of control, an editorial of the RMRB (16-11-1952) about the conference on opera reform stated "The level and literary accomplishment often treat the legacy of opera with intolerable rudeness. They have no understanding of the fine traditions of national opera and the strong spirit of people and realism in national opera; on the contrary, they often deny it all under the pretext of being feudal, and even blatantly violate the Central People's Government's "Regulations on the Reform of Opera", and arbitrarily adopting bans and various disguised bans without asking for any instructions, making the lives of artists difficult and causing dissatisfaction among the masses."
A very successful adaption was the opera “Married to a heavenly immortal”. The leading role of Dong Yang was transformed from a free-spirited student into a handsome and honest peasant. The opera had its premiere in October 1954 at the East China Theater Festival.
In 1952, at the First National Trial Performance Convention, less than 10 percent of the performed operas were newly written works. Figure 45.8 shows clearly that most plays performed in Shanghai were traditional ones (between 86% to 83%)

There is a constant lack of professional trained performers to populate new dance productions. This problem becomes very clear in the music and dance performance “Long live the People’s Victory staged during the CPPCC in September 1949. See Part 6 "Even these highlights, however, could not make up for the almost complete lack of training of most of the performers. Hu Sha (1922–2013), who codirected the production along with Dai Ailian, lamented the situation, writing, “most [of the performers] were students of only a few months, the majority of whom had not studied dance before, and their performance technique was still quite poor.”³" To overcome this absence of quality, the Beijing Dance School was founded in 1954. Its curriculum united three new established streams of Chinese dance: Han folk dance, minority dance, and xiqu dance and defined a set of fundamental movements and techniques. Likewise Shanghai Chinese Orchestra in 1952 was founded and the China Broadcasting Chinese Orchestra in 1953. In addition, in June 1950, several music education institutions including the National Academy of Music, the Northeast Luxun Academy of Literature and Art, the Music Department of the North China University Academy of Arts, the Music Department of the National Peking Art College, the Shanghai, and the Hong Kong Chinese Music Academy merged in Tianjin. As a result, teaching staff, students and facilities were concentrated together and it became easier to develop their potential. These music institutes hired a number of SU musicians as teachers who teached western music theory and composing techniques. In 1949, in 6 major cities Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Wuhan, Xuzhou, and Shenyang, nearly 80.000 performers worked in 1400 theaters or 400 teahouses.

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Political demands limited the freedom of architects like in all other art forms in the PRC. The economic situation in the period of 1949-1954 was very unstable, resources were limited. Yet until 1952, architects were still building expensive projects. Lack of supervising tended to provide much profit for the private design firms. In august 1952, the government stated "The reconstruction work in the previous years cost the state too much, and the waste was astonishing because many projects had been dealt with improperly... The construction must accord with the policy that building construction should be above all, sufficient, safe and economical; only then could aesthetic issues be considered to a certain degree if the economic conditions allowed. The "formalism”, i.e. building purely for the sake of appearances must be avoided." The government decided to form a State Construction Commission that will control and supervise all major construction works. The commission made a priority construction list: state defense, industrial construction (factories, power stations, and storage houses), then civic construction, and finally restoration of existing properties. Most of these projects were realized in new industrial areas, and administrative structures were realized outside major cities and in most rural Regions. Starting from 1952, the Soviet influence on architecture gained momentum, evident in factories aided by the Soviet Union, as well as teaching facilities and dormitories on recently restructured university campuses. Some of these structures closely resembled buildings in the Soviet Union, with several mining schools and colleges in Liaoning, Hebei, and Jiangxi provinces adopting the design of the main building from the former Leningrad State Mining Institute (now known as the Saint Petersburg Mining Institute). These monumental Soviet-style buildings, towering over traditional Chinese palaces and temples, unmistakably highlighted the burgeoning Soviet influence in China.
Like the SU architects, the Chinese began to seek for “socialist content and national form”. As Modernism was considered, as originated in the West and was therefore denounced as a capitalist architectural style, serving only the capitalist class and being detached from the needs of the working class. Architects faced a significant challenge: they needed to revive an architectural heritage while ensuring that their designs resonated with local familiarity, avoiding any semblance of backward-looking historicism or glorification of oppressive feudalism, which they vehemently opposed. Despite this, architecture in China was not previously regarded as a potent tool for advancing political agendas or redistributing political power. The notion of a "national style" wasn't merely a preference; it was a crucial aspect of national policy aimed at establishing and distinguishing the country's nascent nationalist and socialist identity. To put it simply, a Chinese roof was set on a modern structure. Often the buildings are pompous and with heavy construction and can be considered as monumental palatial architecture. The Soviet Exhibition hall is an example of Romanesque and Gothic style on the outside, baroque and plastic elements on the inside. At the end of 1954, however, this style is condemned in the SU because it lacks economic efficiency and China followed suit. Zhou Enlai stated in September 1954 "...more than a few cities, institutions, schools, and businesses have undertaken some overly lavish construction, willingly exhausting the limited resources of the country." From now on, suitability, safety, and economy have to be the main features and when the economic conditions permit, attention can be paid to the aesthetics of the buildings. Architecture was employed to promote socialist modernity among the population, serving as a symbol of a future in which the PRC would be integrated into the modern world. However, rather than becoming spaces for the creation of a new proletarian culture, as envisioned by radical architects, Chinese cities—like their Soviet counterparts—quickly became dominated by monuments and grandiose governmental and public buildings. These structures were designed to showcase the power of central authority and the state's embodiment of the masses’ dominance over the individual. April 1949, the CCP requested the SU for the assignment of specialists to assist with municipal construction for Beijing and Shanghai. In August 1949, a team of 21 members arrived. They stayed until May 1950. Starting from April 1952, a group of Soviet planners arrived in China. Apart from providing direct technical assistance, they also facilitated the transfer of Soviet urban planning theory through the translation of Soviet literature and journals, sending Chinese students to the Soviet Union, and facilitating short-term exchange visits. However, due to the limited availability of written learning materials, China heavily depended on the on-site guidance of the Soviet planners. Moreover, the Soviet planners actively encouraged their Chinese counterparts to ask questions and engage in timely exchanges of views, providing ample opportunities for learning and collaboration.

From 1952 onward, the CCP initiated a plan to redevelop Beijing, the historical heart of Chinese culture and politics, into an industrial and administrative hub accommodating a larger migrant population. As part of this plan, thousands of old houses, monumental gateways, and traditional streets were slated for demolition. Most controversially, the iconic Beijing city wall, acclaimed as one of the best-preserved ancient city walls globally, was to be dismantled. Several prominent architects, including Liang Sicheng and other scholars, vehemently opposed this initiative. They proposed alternative designs, such as "The Proposal on the Location of the Administrative Central District of the Central People's Government," aiming to preserve these historic structures while facilitating economic progress.
Peng Zhen, the future mayor of Beijng, formulated 3 principles for the development of the capital: "Beijing is the people’s splendid capital,…therefore the construction of our municipal administration must at the same time serve all the offices of the central government which represent and lead the people of the entire nation; it must serve the popular masses, serve production, and serve the people’s central government. These three responsibilities are unified and cannot be separated" The city walls were considered the symbol of feudal exploitation and were torn down. Furthermore, it was decided to renovate the Tiananmen Square, it had to become a place for large-scale military parades and mass congregations, commemorative monuments, and the central position in the construction and spatial layout of Beijing. Around Tiananmen Square are to be located the state’s administrative center zone.
These objectives were not only challenged by economic and social limitations, but the three guiding principles—production, state building, and improving workers' lives—were also inherently contradictory. Offices and factories encroached upon residential and recreational spaces, leading to an imbalance. The city evolved around semi-autonomous work units, lacking cohesion as a unified entity. Moreover, socialist urban development manifested primarily as industrial expansion and modernization, undermining any significant strides toward a more egalitarian societal structure.

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From 1949 to 1957, approximately 10 percent of total investment in capital construction was allocated to housing. In 1954, Minister of Building Construction Liu Xiufeng explicitly declared that the primary goal of urban development in the PRC was to support industrial production. He emphasized that urban construction must align with the state's economic plans, with the pace of urban development being dictated by the progress of industrial construction. the goal was to build industry, not to build cities, and to industrialize but not to urbanize. "In 1952, the Central Finance and Economics Commission grouped Chinese cities into four classes based on their construction priorities. The first class consisted of eight “heavy industrial cities”: Beijing, Baotou, Xi’an, Datong, Qiqihar, Daye, Lanzhou, and Chengdu. The second class was made up of fourteen “cities that could be rebuilt by industrial production”: Jilin, Anshan, Fushun, Benxi, Shenyang, Harbin, Taiyuan, Wuhan, Shijiazhuang, Handan, Zhengzhou, Luoyang, Zhanjiang, and Urumqi. And the third class consisted of seventeen “medium-level industrial production old cities,” including Tianjin, Dalian, Changchun, Jiamusi, Shanghai, Nanjing, and Chongqing. The thirty-nine cities in these first three classes were considered “major construction cities.” In the fourth class were the remaining cities, classified as “ordinary cities,” whose main goal was to maintain minimal daily operations."

Besides the lack of funding for urban construction, which fell into the category of “non-production-related construction,” city officials also suffered from the fragmentation of urban-construction power within the city. Urban construction frequently felt challenged by the most important projects of “production-related construction”. The significant construction efforts alleviated housing shortages, laying the groundwork for housing development over the following three decades. This primarily involved the construction of standardized multi-floor residential buildings across China, following the Soviet model of industrialized building systems. These systems emphasized standardized design, mass production, and systematic construction of building components and dwelling unit layouts. In addition to receiving direct technical assistance from Soviet planners, China also absorbed Soviet urban planning theory by translating Soviet works and journals, sending students to the Soviet Union, and organizing short-term exchange visits. Nevertheless, direct assistance remained dominant due to the limited availability of written materials, making newly established China heavily dependent on on-site Soviet instruction. Soviet planners provided numerous opportunities for Chinese counterparts to ask questions and share perspectives in real time. They also organized professional training courses, and a few Soviet specialists worked full-time or part-time at various tertiary education institutions. This context led to the establishment of urban planning as a major in China, with universities adopting a Soviet-style curriculum beginning in 1952.
Soviet planning theory and methodologies, presented in a relatively advanced form, helped China bypass some of the typical challenges and missteps of developing socialist planning theory, achieving notable advancements in this field. However, the high standards of scientific planning set by the Soviets prompted Chinese planners to adopt a more "infantile" model, simplifying written materials, reducing content and drawings, and setting more flexible, lower professional standards. This adaptation provided a more practical alternative for their circumstances. In the design of residential areas, the primary concerns revolved around accommodating the growing population while conserving land. Construction projects took precedence over environmental considerations, with housing development given a lower priority due to its nonproductive nature in capital accumulation; economic growth was prioritized. The government's urban policies mainly focused on establishing state-sponsored enclaves, known as "danwei," within cities. These enclosed areas included state-owned enterprises, institutions, basic housing, and essential amenities like healthcare, education, and recreation facilities. Little attention was given to urban planning, siting, or integration within the broader urban landscape, as such considerations were deemed irrelevant to the revolutionary goals. Shortly after 1949, the housing design followed the pattern of houses arranged in parallel blocks, oriented north-south, to enable sunlight into the homes and to use the prevailing winds as ventilation. This design followed ancient tradition. The traditional courtyard system was abandoned. These new houses were located near factories, to win more support from the working class. Caoyang New Village in Shanghai can be considered as a model. The neighbourhood unit framework (danwei) was employed for organizing extensive residential construction. Construction commenced in September 1951 and concludes the first phase by April 1952. The plan is structured into three hierarchical tiers: neighborhood, cluster, and village. Each cluster is equipped with nurseries, kindergartens, and primary schools. Housing space was minimized with public spaces used for kitchens, canteens, washing and cleaning rooms. These educational facilities are strategically situated within a short walking distance (less than ten minutes) but remain on separate premises. At the village level, community amenities such as cooperative shops, post offices, cinemas, and cultural clubs are centralized, while commercial establishments are located around the periphery.
In 1953, critical SU specialists called Caoyang monotone and barracks-like. They introduced the SU superblock. Buildings should not be lower than 4 or 5 storeys, have a unified design and provide green spaces arranged around a quadrangle with public facilities (cultural and welfare facilities) in the center. (e.g., Beijing Baiwanzhuang residential area 1953). These SU designs were soon abandoned because they took too little into account the typical Chinese climate.
In Beijing the need for administrative buildings was very large and caused rising housing prices and rent. Between 1949 and 1951, they increased fivefold and speculation became unrestrained. However, plan making still stressed the need for industrialization and state building, yet the city population grow from 2 million in 1949, to 3.3 million in 1955.

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This section focusses on public park design. During the 1930’s and 1940’s, new parks were not created and existing ones were falling into disrepair. In 1949, there were only 112 public parks on the mainland. Restauration of existing parks and the creation of new parks occured as a by-product of the Patriotic Health Campaign (see Article 48) , which started in 1952. During this campaign, volunteer labours were mobilized to clean urban and rural areas. Zones unsuitable for buildings were designated as (future) parks. Examples of these parks are Dragon Pool park and Joyous Pavilion park (1952) in Beijing. Despite their physical and artistic limitations, these parks were embraced as clear symbols of a new era. They were created by ordinary citizens, who participated with enthusiasm and pride, viewing their involvement as an act of patriotism. These parks were regarded as revolutionary efforts to advance socialism. A prime example is the British-owned Shanghai Racecourse—a recreational facility for the foreign community and a symbol of imperialism in Shanghai—which was transformed between 1946 and 1951 into what is now known as ‘People’s Square’ and ‘People’s Park.’ Parks are named ‘People’s Park’, ‘Liberation Park’, ‘Martyrs Park’ or named after revolutionary figures (Lenin, Lu Xun). Party leaders like Chen Yi (Shanghai) or Mao Zedong (Tianjin) often made the inscriptions of the names of these parks. Mao Zedong also decided to retain the name of ‘Joyous Pavilion’ as it is a place of historic interest and its name should be kept. Preserving the traditional heritage was mainly driven by a sense of national pride following the victory over foreign imperial powers and the establishment of an independent nation. This underscored the importance of not only advancing socialism but also reinforcing nationalism through the country's history. Given the limited resources available after Liberation for developing parks, it became imperative to conserve inherited elements from the past. This not only bolstered the nationalist sentiment but also enriched park areas both materially and culturally. Originally designed as havens for the working people of the capital to gather for leisure, the parks often fell short of fulfilling this promise as they were frequently commandeered for large-scale, sometimes rowdy political events orchestrated by the government. This transformation of the park's social functions into political activities, coupled with restrictions on leisure pursuits, hindered their intended purpose as recreational spaces for the common people. Due to the lack of financial resources, the parks have to be self-sufficient. This is achieved, for example, through admission tickets, shop rents, and fish farming in water bodies.
The ‘Park of Culture and Rest’ created in Moscow in 1928, was the model for the design of new parks in PRC. This meant that renewed parks (for example, Star Sea Park in Dalian 1950, Elegance Park in Guangzhou 1951) are dominated by buildings which provide cultural and recreational possibilities. These buildings can be let and contribute to the financing of the park. Besides buildings, also open-air dance floors were introduced after it became a popular pastime in the SU. (e.g., Unmoored Ferry park in Hefei, 1950) While the Soviet Union model was adopted, historical landmarks were esteemed as cultural treasures of the nation post-Liberation and were accentuated as a foundation for new design endeavors. Despite indigenous garden design being rooted in former elite culture, it was enthusiastically embraced as a blueprint for modern park creation, as it could be showcased to embody nationalistic ideals.

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This section describes visual arts like paintings, drawings or prints.

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Right from the start, the new government realized that for a national audience mass-produced visual art is a must. In November 1949, a directive was issued, calling on all cultural and educational organizations to coordinate the making of new nianhua (new year pictures) for the New Year in 1950. The new pictures show the message that the party is fulfilling peasants’ dreams of abundance and happiness. "The new prints should convey the following messages: the grand victory of the Chinese people’s war for liberation and the people’s great revolution, the establishment of the People’s Republic, the Common Program, and the recovery and progress of industrial and agricultural production." Workers and peasants took center stage, with images of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai supplanting traditional deities. The nianhua reform represented one of the largest art initiatives ever undertaken by the Chinese Communist Party in its endeavor to forge a unified ideological landscape. Orchestrated from the highest echelons of power, this campaign unfolded on multiple fronts simultaneously: through widespread publicity in official publications, endorsement by renowned artists, exhibitions, conferences, the identification and transformation of traditional folk artists, and the organization of competitions to recognize the most outstanding new print designers. The fusion of art and governance in Chinese history was never more conspicuous than in the early 1950s. This reform faced resistance. Most of the images depicted an urban culture unfamiliar to the peasants. The replacement of traditional gods meant the loss of religious blessings, protection, good fortune, renewal of the seasonal cycle, and hope. The new images, perceived as symbols of death and mourning, lacked the vibrant colors and variety that characterized traditional prints, leading the peasants to refuse to buy the new Nianhua. Far from submitting to the state’s ideological constraints, the populace steadfastly clung to their traditional methods of consumption and rejected the socialist prints. In doing so, they not only redefined the perceived dynamics of domination but also challenged the widespread notion that officials could unilaterally impose cultural hegemony on the lower classes. Not only were rural residents dissatisfied with the new prints, but there was also a broader reluctance among artists to invest time and effort into what they considered a minor art form, lacking in both prestige and artistic value. In 1953, nianhua was one of the three main art forms aimed at mass consumption, alongside picture books and slides, all of which artists tended to avoid. These three forms were cynically referred to by many artists as the "three don'ts," indicating types of art they preferred not to engage with. At the end of the Korea War, the focus changed from military propaganda to subjects on technology and industrialization.

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Oil paintings are considered the right form of art in presenting historical events of the CCP. This is an imitation of the SU practice. The history of the CCP is divided into four periods: the founding of the CCP and the First Revolutionary Civil War (1921-1927); the Second Revolutionary Civil War (1927-1937); the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945); and the Third Revolutionary Civil War (1945-1949). This division is based on the 1951 written study "Thirty Years of the Chinese Communist Party". It becomes the guideline for artists to produce works. "Ironically the classical European art training method was even strengthened during this period of Communist China. From the 1950s to the early 1960s Chinese art students still spent most of their time in studio drawing plaster casts of classical Greek sculptures or nude models."
The works have to demonstrate national pride. It is essential to promote new socialist figures. Socialist realism portrays "positive heroes" who embody more than just goodness; they possess determination, confidence, and clarity in pursuit of their goals. These positive heroes embody traits such as ideological commitment, courage, intelligence, willpower, patriotism, respect for women, and self-sacrifice. Their defining characteristic is their unwavering determination and absence of inner doubts as they pursue socialist objectives directly.
Many of these paintings were reproduced as full-color posters, which were bought by individuals and work units for decorative or inspirational purposes. Particularly Dong Xiwen’s painting of the founding ceremony of the republic was widely purchased
The CCP’s attitude toward traditional Chinese painting, such as landscapes and birds-and-flowers, was ambivalent: should it be preserved, reformed, or eliminated? Authorities viewed traditional Chinese painting as standing in stark contrast to folk art, regarding it as an elite art form disconnected from the lives of ordinary people. Over centuries, this art form had been developed and refined exclusively by the literati or scholar-official class, leading the Communist authorities to associate it with the worldview of the social elite. Traditional painters, nianhua designers, and comic book illustrators (the old comic books are filled with ghosts, superstitions, pornography, and violence) are assembled for thought reform and instruction on the new art. Several of the more prominent painters like Qi Baishi, Huang Binhong, Pan Tianshou and Yu Fei’an, were relatively unaffected by the new political climate. They were tolerated by the authorities because they were seen as the main upholders of China’s "artistic heritage". It was seen as a symbol of the sophisticated brilliance of Chinese culture and, therefore, a matter of national pride.
Despite the absence of the diverse styles present in the preceding period, painting during the PRC era still exhibited pluralism in one aspect—ink-based works rooted in the native brushwork heritage continued to be crafted alongside oil paintings. This medium, esteemed for its potential to signify national uniqueness even in an era often dedicated to eliminating the old, had to conform to the political agenda of the times. Realistic representation tended to replace ink play, yet it's reasonable to assert that ink painting retained more possibilities for artistic expression compared to oil. During this period, certain works of genuine artistic merit emerged, challenging simplistic perceptions of Maoist China as lacking interesting or intricate art. Painters like Li Keran produced works that initially seemed like pure landscapes, distinct from the propaganda-driven nature of most oil paintings. However, this apparent freedom often involved making topographical references to locations of revolutionary or national significance.
During the early years of the People’s Republic in the 1950s, influenced by Soviet experts and models, there was a significant emphasis on creating monumental memorial sculptures. Beginning with the iconic Monument to the People’s Heroes, it became prestigious for every major city to erect large-scale monuments. Sculptures were also used to show the goals and success of land reform. These sculptures were crudely made of cheap materials and often showed the misery of the peasants and the misbehavior of the landlords.

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In the twentieth century several museums were established. The first modern exhibition hall is the Nantong Museum in Jiangsu province (1905). Soon more museums were built. In 1930, the GMD government issued a law on the preservation of ancient objects. "War, economic recession, social issues, and the political division of the country did not provide a fertile environment for the development of museums and galleries in China: by 1936 there were 77 of them, but only 21 survived war." After 1949 the new government started a campaign to preserve cultural objects. For example, the Shanghai Cultural Relics Commission was established in 1949. The CCP assumed control over art markets and encouraged cooperation from art connoisseurs. Many collectors, who were also experts, opted to serve as consultants for the PRC. Members of the cultural elite before 1949 were often part of the economic elite as well, and until the 1957 Anti-Rightist Movement, the state preferred to enlist the cooperation of the cultural elite and their collections. While the museum in the early 1950s aimed to train a new cohort of cultural workers, it was primarily the older generation of art experts who provided their cultural expertise to shape the collections of the PRC. The staff of the pre-1949 Shanghai Municipal Museum remained in position and the museum reopened in December of 1952.

Several private collections were ‘voluntary’ donated. These donations were motivated by patriotism and local pride. After Wufan (see Article 30), economic hardship was also a motivation to donate or sell the collection.

In 1952 (Wufan), over thirty (of 140 workers in the Shanghai Cultural Relics Commission) were accused of corruption.

Not only new art museums were founded, many of them were converted major temples. In 1950 in Shanghai, the building where the first official meeting of the CCP was held, became a memorial hall, but soon the idea arose to transform the site into a museum with a collection of revolutionary items. The National Museum of the Revolution in Moscow was an example. Here "Lenin’s political career had been carefully highlighted by artifacts of the revolution, such as newspapers and manuscripts, accompanied by oil paintings and maps. Taken together,…., the artifacts forcefully chronicled the Bolshevik leader’s path of struggle and triumph." In addition to museums, exhibitions were seen as vital propaganda tools for mass education and mobilization. One of the most prominent exhibitions, sponsored by the South Central China Bureau, opened in 1952 during the peak of the land reform campaign, which impacted approximately 130 million villagers. Visitors to the exhibit were presented with images depicting the plight of suffering peasants who found liberation through class struggle. The Wuhan exhibition alone attracted 636,464 attendees and was described as just one of the “countless” exhibitions held across the region. The Soviet Exhibition Centers in Beijing, Shanghai, Wuhan and Guangzhou were intended to teach visitors about the life in the SU, about the SU industry, and about the Soviet culture. The buildings were built in SU style. Between October 2 and December 26, 1954 the first Soviet Exhibition Center in Beijing held an display on the economic and cultural achievements of the SU.
Exhibitions were organized nationwide to eradicate superstitions. For instance, in 1951, the Association for the Dissemination of Science in Shanghai held an exhibit for workers focusing on the moon during the Mid-Autumn Festival. Apart from dissuading people from praying to the moon for good fortune or believing that a lunar eclipse occurred because a heavenly dog ate the moon, the exhibition emphasized a political message: by becoming enlightened about the science of the moon and recognizing that their previous superstitions were a manifestation of class oppression, workers would develop stronger support for the People’s Government and the CCP. Exhibits were frequently showcased at street level, often featuring items contributed by local residents themselves. These exhibitions provided an opportunity for visitors to reminisce about their previous lives in the pre-Communist era, commonly referred to as the "old society". By juxtaposing this past with the current "new society", where the Chinese people had "stood up", the displays aimed to evoke patriotic sentiments among the masses by highlighting the contrast between Old China and New China. Exhibitions were designed to be ideological, scientific, and aesthetic, incorporating history, narrative, visual, and material culture. In March 1951, the Beijing History Museum launched its first exhibit, grounded in historical materialism. This display set the standard for museums across the mainland. Frequent exhibitions were held in the capital to showcase popular works to the public. Among these were depictions by Chinese artists of half-animal, half-human guai figures, intended to dehumanize and demonize enemies. On September 25, 1954, the China Artists Association and the People’s Fine Arts Publishing House in Beijing organized the Exhibition of Original Works of Lianhuanhua (illustrated storybooks). As previously noted, peasants largely rejected the Party-promoted New Year prints, opting instead for traditional designs that felt more familiar to them. The reform of New Year prints was unsuccessful, as it failed to meet the cultural preferences and needs of the peasants. In contrast, the new lianhuanhu featuring guai imagery became highly marketable and popular commodities.
Following the example of other socialist countries the tasks of zoos included cultural enlightenment, popularization of science, research work, as well as providing providing visitors with a place to relax. Many technical personnel were sent to the SU and Eastern Europe to learn best practices. The Beijing Zoo was central to these developments, with zoos in Shanghai, Guangzhou, and other major cities playing supporting roles. Soviet specialists were actively involved in the construction of zoos in China, contributing to areas such as design, the development of guiding ideologies, and the allocation of animals. The reconstruction and construction of enclosures, pavilions, and other facilities at the Beijing Zoo were carried out under the technical supervision of Soviet experts.

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"The Chinese term for propaganda is xuānchuán (宣 傳), meaning to broadcast or disseminate information. Unlike the English term, propaganda in China does not carry innate negative connotations. From its inception, the Chinese Communist Party has relied extensively on propaganda as a means of promulgating its cause." 4 methods of propaganda can be marked • Oral (koutou xuanchuan) • Written (wenzi xuanchuan) • Imagistic (yingxiang xuanchuan): movies, posters, music, theatre • Demonstrative (shifanxing xuanchuan): propaganda of the deed. "Although all the techniques were centrally co-ordinated as part of a comprehensive propaganda campaign, with each medium reinforcing the others, the oral and the imagistic were most important and effective given the geographic and demographic diversity of China."
Several goals of propaganda work can be distinguished. First, to explain the core tasks of the new regime to the masses, second to increase the trust of the masses to implement the new policy, and third to raise the political level and awareness of the masses and eradicating the legacy of GMD propaganda. Propaganda also serves an educational purpose. Inherited from the late imperial Chinese model of governance, the PRC leadership holds fundamental beliefs regarding the government's responsibility for "transforming the people through education" (jiaohua), encompassing both moral and intellectual aspects.
Propaganda in cities and rural areas came in different forms. Criticism meetings, demonstrations, media propaganda, and performances (Chinese theater, story-telling, ballad singing, and poetry reciting ) occurred in work units (In 1950, a system of study sessions in factories and offices in cities were established, lasting for 2 hours each day) with public transportation and places of entertainment. Propaganda encompasses a wide array of themes, ranging from political and economic matters to issues like electricity theft and the explanation of lunar eclipses. This incorporation of everyday concerns into party propaganda suggests that to be a citizen of a modern socialist state, it is insufficient merely to hold the correct political beliefs. Rather, individuals must also be versed in modern scientific, moral, and legal principles.
This served as an effective method for disseminating agricultural innovations and educating rural communities. A common trope in mass culture was the portrayal of the unity between the worker (typically male) and the peasant (often female, symbolizing connections to the soil, fertility, and growth) working together to elevate China. The worker provided the countryside with industrially produced agricultural tools, while the peasant contributed ever-increasing quantities of produce. Together, they supported industrialization and enhanced general living standards. The political campaigns aim at the thought reform of the Chinese people in all aspects of life. The scope of propaganda changes with the political climate and serves state political goals.
Propaganda posters serve as a significant tool in various campaigns aimed at mobilizing the masses and have been particularly favored for educational purposes, especially considering the high illiteracy rates in China during the early decades of the PRC. The propaganda posters can be divided in 5 categories: 1. Publicize party slogans, 2. Support current mass movements, 3. Idealize the life of workers and peasants in the new society, 4. Urge the solidarity of the Chinese people in realizing the party's goals and 5. Popularize military goals, especially the liberation of Taiwan.

Donald (2014) draws up a ranking " Arguably, posters were the first and most accessible visual address from the Party and film was the second, whereas radio, delivered through inescapable loudspeakers, was the most insistent. On radio, the voice of authority was direct and often issued immediate instructions." (See Article 49) Another way of propaganda are the articles about ordinary people, who tell their life stories and how the CCP changes or changed their lives. During the election campaign in 1953-1954 (see Article 4), the CCP focused on three specific types of people: the laboring masses (especially industrial workers), women from the lower strata of society, and ethnic minorities. Besides articles and interviews, images of the working class underscored the notion of the new masters of the country.
A large-scale campaign was initiated in the Northeast to address the anxieties among cadres and the public regarding the Korean War. This visual propaganda effort aimed to illustrate the comparative strength of "Today's China" compared to China during World War II, the potency of U.S. imperialism in contrast to past Japanese imperialism, and the ideological divide between the two blocs. This campaign involved a massive mobilization, with over 11,000 artists and 1,539 supporting cadres enlisted. Large murals were painted in Dalian to educate residents about "U.S. Imperialism" and the U.N. Forces, aiming to dispel misconceptions and fear while cautioning against underestimating the adversary. At the level of districts, cities, counties and workplaces branches of the Assembly for Resisting America and Aiding Korea were organized. For example, in Shanghai, the Shanghai Suburb Districts Assembly for Resisting America and Aiding Korea comprised a total of 76 people: 29 peasant delegates, 8 delegates of workers, 10 delegates of cultural and educational circles, 10 industrial and commercial circles delegates, 3 delegates of religious circles, 3 democratic parties delegates, 5 delegates who were women, 6 youth delegates, and 2 delegates from families of martyrs and veterans.

During the early days of the PRC, the state faced challenges in effectively disseminating its messages to the general populace, particularly in rural areas where sophisticated propaganda tools were lacking. Various information channels commonly utilized in CCP propaganda campaigns, such as newspapers, radio broadcasts, and folk art performing troupes, were either unavailable or scarce in rural regions. Consequently, the primary method of communicating the party state's messages to the masses was through village meetings, which demanded significant human resources. However, the shortage of cadres was a pressing issue nationwide for the CCP during the early days of the PRC.

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'Huobaoju' or 'living newspapers' are a propaganda method introduced by the Soviet Union. The messages conveyed in almost all huobaoju were remarkably simplistic, aiming to evoke visceral emotions. Characters representing class and state enemies were often depicted suffering physical abuse at the hands of the 'masses' or through their own incompetence, and in some cases, they were theatrically killed. Audience members were encouraged to hurl abuse or objects at actors portraying these villains. Scripts featured frequent repetition of political slogans. To ensure that the message was crystal clear, some huobaoju employed actors known as 'jieshuoyuan' (literally 'explainers'). Their role was to narrate events as they unfolded, pose rhetorical questions to the audience to heighten agitation, and directly address characters within the play (e.g., by speaking 'on behalf of' onlookers when chastising a villain). Another common practice was to attach a villain's name to their character throughout the performance, ensuring even the least informed observers understood which character deserved scorn.

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In China, propaganda also targets young people through, among other things, cartoons and comic books. Most comic books were rented, in 1949 in Shanghai there about 800 bookstalls renting comics.
"...,daily consumers of comic books were estimated to be between two and four hundred thousand (with each person reading multiple comic books per visit), whereas daily cinema audiences only totaled one hundred thousand.³⁵"
As seen above, old comic books are filled with ghosts, superstitions, pornography, and violence (Almost 20,000 volumes of “severely” problematic comics were confiscated in the summer of 1952 in Beijing), the new ones are mostly political cartoons, They assist in political campaigns, necessitating the rapid production of cartoons. In the initial years of the PRC, comic creators endeavored to adhere to Party principles. However, lacking clear directives, many inadvertently made political errors. These missteps included portraying positive images of the GMD and American efforts during WWII, occasionally referring to Communism as "new democracy," and occasionally deviating from acceptable norms of class struggle, such as depicting a compassionate landlord or a harsh peasant.
In his 1942 talk, Mao Zedong states "But there are several kinds of satire, each with a different attitude, satire to deal with our enemies, satire to deal with our allies and satire to deal with our own ranks. We are not opposed to satire in general; what we must abolish is the abuse of satire." Mao Zedong instructs Zhou Yang "Comic books are favored not only by children but also by adults. The illiterate read them, and the intellectual also read them. Would it be possible to set up a publishing house for new comic books so as to supplant the old ones spreading stories of genies, knights errant, and superstition?" In June 1950, the first issue of Manhua is published in Shanghai. It is modelled on the Soviet Crocodile, a weekly publication founded by the Russian Communist Party in August 1922. Due to the limited paper supply, Manhua starts with a low circulation of 6,000 issues in the summer of 1950. In 1951, a total of over 1,800 distinct titles were published, amounting to more than 19 million copies. Cartoons were essential for promoting the numerous mass campaigns launched by the new government, reminding readers of the ongoing struggle against adversaries of the new Communist state, whether they were special agents, imperialists, or traitors, and rallying the populace in support of the emerging military conflict on the Korean peninsula. As soon as the Korea War ends, the cartoonists now have to focus on the stabilization of the party-state rule (laudatory cartoons) instead of anti-US and anti-GMD subjects.

Considering the prevalent illiteracy and the generally modest educational attainment of the populace during the early years of the PRC, cartoons relied heavily on visual languages that were readily understandable to the majority and intuitively clear. These materials often drew inspiration from traditional proverbs, folk tales, and legends, which were typically crafted by the common people themselves. A striking example is the story of Hua Mulan. (See above) According to legend, Mulan took her aged father's place in the conscription for the army by disguising herself as a man. "Hua Mulan. ... during the initial years after 1949, she simultaneously embodied the pinnacle of Confucian femininity and Communist masculinity."

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An essential part of the propaganda is the friendship between the PRC and the SU. “learning from the Soviet Union” is the key theme of official propaganda work, and the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association (SSFA) is the key institution in advancing the movement to “promote and learn from the Soviet Union.” SSFA branches across various regions of the country organized a variety of regular activities, including exhibitions, lectures, seminars, social gatherings, study sessions, mobile libraries, wall newspapers, blackboard newspapers, street corner propaganda stations, propaganda buses, fancy dress performances, as well as classes teaching Russian songs and dances. Additionally, the SSFA actively promoted the Russian language nationwide, making it the most popular foreign language taught in China by 1952.
Several obstacles complicated the success of the Sino- Soviet Friendship Association. First, the majority of the Chinese knew little or nothing about the SU. What they did know, was the not so positive side of the SU. The refusal to return the Changchun railway or the naval base at Lushun. Particularly, they had not forgotten the looting, raping, and dismantling of industrial equipment in the Northeast in 1945. See Part 3 Thirdly, the GMD’s claim that communism has an alien character and makes China subordinate to the SU. The CCP refuted this claim by emphasizing the symbols of national identity. Sun Yat-sen’s portrait featured, aside from Mao Zedong’s portrait at rallies and parades. The party stated CCP independence in contrast to GMD dependence on the US.
Not only the friendship between the PRC and the SU is important, but also the cultural and economic exchange inside the communist bloc. The youth receives special focus. Throughout the socialist realm, youth was regarded as pivotal in shaping a collective identity that would surpass national boundaries and unite around the common ideology of the socialist bloc. Youth festivals and student exchanges operated on the same principle: offering young people from across the socialist bloc a shared experience to unite them as part of the emerging transnational community, the socialist world.
Despite pervasive rhetoric about friendship and growing bilateral cooperation in various sectors such as economy, education, and culture, both nations managed to curtail cross-border interactions in their shared border regions. Policies from Moscow and Beijing restricted traditional forms of border trade, informal cooperation across boundaries, and day-to-day interactions among borderland populations, contradicting the professed friendship. In essence, while relations between the central governments intensified, contacts in the borderlands diminished.
The Sino-Soviet friendship became increasingly politicized, in black and white position. The government set out to penalize anti-Soviet remarks, so “voluntarily” joining the SSFA became a safe option. Whether genuine or not, membership in the SSFA was viewed as evidence of one's revolutionary consciousness and correct grasp of the government's "leaning to one side" policy, as well as a declaration of support for socialist solidarity and world peace. The significant political prestige associated with SSFA membership greatly hastened the organization's expansion, thereby fostering widespread acceptance of friendship rhetoric.
The activities can be listed into 6 categories: The SSFA published a huge amount and variety of printed material aimed at familiarizing the public with the Soviet Union and propagating Sino- Soviet friendship. The second category of friendship activity spread knowledge of the Soviet Union through public exhibitions. The third and one especially successful friendship activity was the screenings of Soviet films. The fourth major activity involved Russian- language training. Fifth, the SSFA organized countless lectures, seminars, discussions, and study groups on the Soviet Union. The sixth avenue for promoting Sino- Soviet friendship was commemorative celebrations of landmark events in Soviet history.
Reports to the public by those who had visited the Soviet Union often did not accurately reflect their personal experiences or interactions with Soviet people. These accounts, now part of official propaganda tours, were likely reviewed, edited, and approved by government officials before being presented to the public. Consequently, their descriptions of the SU adhered closely to the party line, showing little variation. Through these individual storytellers, along with posters and other political propaganda, a highly politicized image of the SU was presented to Chinese workers and factories. Thus, the propaganda tour became a major, albeit indirect, means for the vast majority of the Chinese population to learn about the Soviet Union.

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Chapter 5 of Common Program

• Road to Common Program
• Common Program
• Bibliography
• Documents