Part 9: Characteristic of Minzhu dangpai and their members


In search for a new ideology...

After the fall off the empire in 1911 many intellectuals are searching for an alternative for Confucianism. Confucianism was the ruling ideology of the empire and with the end of the Qing dynasty a lot of intellectuals also declared Confucianism bankrupt. “Some of them demonstrated their loyalty to the old system and protested against change by ending their own lives. Unable to compromise, for example, one of the best historians,
Wang Guowei
Wang Guowei (1877-1927) Historian
, followed the ancient ritual of committing suicide in 1927”.
Jin Qiu (2010). Between Power and Knowledge: Defining Moments in Guo Moruo’s Career. Modern China Studies 17 ( 2), Page 131
Lee
Lee Hong Yung (1991). From revolutionary cadres to party technocrats in socialist China. Berkeley University of California Press. Page 49
estimates the total number of intellectuals in 1949 very low. “The number of available intellectuals was also very small: China had produced only 210,000 college graduates between 1923 and 1949, and only 10,000 of these had studied abroad.”
These academics are searching for a new philosophy. Some chose Marxism, other the three principles of Sun Yatsen or some a kind of liberalism. In their pursuit for a new ideology they look everywhere. In 1936 Mao Zedong told the American Snow in an interview “At this time (1918) my mind was a curious mixture of ideas of liberalism, democratic reformism, and Utopian Socialism. I had somewhat vague passions about "nineteenth century democracy," Utopianism, and old-fashioned liberalism, and I was definitely anti-militarist and anti-imperialist.”
Snow Edgar (1972). Red star over China. Penguin books. Page 174

Mao Zedong was not alone in his wandering. "While many on the left professed sympathy for the embattled CCP, if not joining the party altogether, broad segments of China’s modern intelligentsia struggled to find political cognates for their literary or critical agendas. Some intellectuals decided to side with the new government; others resorted to quiet university campuses, particularly those operating from the deposed imperial capital Beijing. Liberal writers and thinkers wavered between conscious distancing and equivocal cooperation in their interaction with the political center. On one hand, subscribers to European Enlightenment ideals like reason and liberty were naturally uncomfortable with the GMD state’s authoritarian tendencies and intolerance towards intellectual dissent. On the other hand, prominent liberal writers and thinkers’ non-alignment often gave way to reluctant endorsement of the conservative revolution at crucial moments during the Nationalist reign.”
Tsui Brian Kai Hin (2013). China’s forgotten revolution: Radical conservatism in action, 1927-1949. PhD., Columbia University. Page 170

Sun Yatsen....

Some scholars followed the thinking of
Sun Yatsen
Sun Yatsen (1866-1925) He is known as the father of modern China. Influential in overthrowing the Qing (Manchu) dynasty (1911/12), he served as the first provisional president of the Republic of China (1911–12) and later as de facto ruler (1923–25). All contemporary sources attribute to him a magnetic personality, a great capacity for tolerating others’ weaknesses, a singular dedication to the pursuit of power, and a knowledge of the West unequaled by that of any of his political rivals. Perhaps the last factor is the most important, for it is this that set Sun apart and made him the symbol of Chinese modernization. Quite fittingly, the Chinese communists call him “a pioneer of the revolution.” https://www.britannica.com
"The merging of Chinese and non-Chinese elements in Sun’s theories should not be surprising, since his whole political activity was dominated by a struggle between remaining true to Chinese values, and at the same time seeking for foreign material support, from America and Europe first, and from the Soviet Union then, when he realized that the Soviets’ hopes for an international revolution had turned to China (which Lenin had for a long time felt interested in), thus understanding that he could obtain from them that backing he had hoped for but did not see coming from the West."
Sivieri Angelica (2015) China’s long run towards Western modernity. Page 9
Wang
Wang Y. C. (1966). Chinese intellectuals and the west, 1872-1949. Chapel Hill, NC. Page X
poses “The only teaching with even limited popular appeal was the
Three Principles of the People
Three Principles of the People. Political document of Sun Yatsen The first principle, minzu zhuyi, or nationalism, earlier had meant opposition to the Qing (Manchu) dynasty and to foreign imperialism; now Sun explained the phrase as denoting self-determination for the Chinese people as a whole and also for the minority groups within China. The second principle, minquan, or the rights of the people, sometimes translated as democracy, could be achieved, Sun explained, by allowing the Chinese people to control their own government through such devices as election, initiative, referendum, and recall. The last principle was minsheng, or people’s livelihood, which is often translated as socialism. This was the most vague of the three principles, but by it Sun seemed to have in mind the idea of equalization of land ownership through a just system of taxation. After the Nationalist-communist split in 1927, both Mao Zedong and Jiang Jieshi claimed to be carrying on the true spirit of the Three Principles of the People. https://www.britannica.com
of Sun Yatsen. But this doctrine was less ethical than political, suffered from numerous inconsistencies, and above all, despite formal promulgation, was ignored by the Kuomintang government. There was thus nothing in Chinese life to serve as a standard of values, and under such circumstances it is hardly conceivable that the intelligentsia could have had the same."

Marxism....

Given the characteristics of Marxism, the failure to appeal of the Three Principles and the failures of the GMD government: "Given China's sorry conditions, there seemed little chance of establishing liberal institutions, and for many liberals-some of whom joined the party-the CCP, despite certain undemocratic ways, seemed the best hope for the realization of any liberal values at all. More abstractly, Marxism, itself a species of scientism, could be construed in the pre-Liberation period as the most advanced, up-to-date version of science and democracy, fitting rather comfortably with the intellectuals' implicit view of democracy as government more for than by the people."
Moody Peter R. (1998). The political culture of Chinese students and intellectuals: A Historical Examination. Asian Survey, 28, (11), Page 12
In 1945 the literati see the attempts of the GMD to alter China as a fiasco and they expect the CCP to succeed. In 1940 Mao Zedong makes this analysis in his
On new democracy
On new democracy” January 1940
"In China, it is perfectly clear that whoever can lead the people in overthrowing imperialism and the forces of feudalism can win the people's confidence, because these two, and especially imperialism, are the mortal enemies of the people. Today, whoever can lead the people in driving out Japanese imperialism and introducing democratic government will be the saviours of the people. History has proved that the Chinese bourgeoisie cannot fulfil this responsibility, which inevitably falls upon the shoulders of the proletariat.”
Document:January 1940 Mao Zedong "On new democracy"
Marxism is certainly attractive to the intelligentsia. "An obvious fact is that up until 1949, those intellectuals who identified themselves with Marxism still constituted but a very small proportion of the intelligentsia as a whole. During the 1940s, those within the intelligentsia who became dissatisfied with the existing GMD regime saw their numbers rapidly increase, but those who threw in their lot with the CCP as far as politics and thought are concerned were still very few in number."
Hu Ping (2012). The thought remolding campaign of the Chinese communist party-state. Amsterdam University Press. Page 32
The decision of Jiang Jieshi in 1947 to ban several minzhu dangpai drives most of them to the CCP. "The years 1946 through 1949 saw students and young people in general turning away more and more from the KMT and joining Communist or pro-Communist organisations. As the areas under Communist control steadily increased, the Communist authorities moved ever more positively in the organisation of youth into various groups, even as ever more youths were drawn into the Communist orbit. KMT attempts to gag or control youths by harsh and violent means resulted often in the mass flight of students or other groups of youths to the Communist areas.”
Pringsheim Klaus H. (1962). The functions of the Chinese Communist Youth Leagues (1920-1949), The China Quarterly, 12. Page 86

Attitude towards communism and the SU...

As seen in Part 7 many members of the minzhu dangpai are also member the CCP or they have positive attitude towards the CCP. A lot of intellectuals look at the developments in the Soviet Union with admiration. Once a backward country. It is now trying to develop with communist experiments to a modern state. Chinese intellectuals look at Marxism as an ideology whereby the backwardness of China compared to other countries through targeted political and economic measures can be overtaken or even reversed to a head. There are also negative feelings about the SU. In the past there have been many wars between China and tsarist Russia and in the recent past SU troops occuping Manchuria, misbehaved regularly to the Chinese population and plundered the industrial complex of the Northeast.
Yu
Yu Minling (2005). Learning from the Soviet Union: CPC Propaganda and Its Effects A study Centered on the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association. Parallel History Project on NATO and the Warsaw Pact. Page 2
remarks "Not only did the ordinary people feel like this; even rank-and-file CPC members in the region found it puzzling and disappointing. The Soviet troops were Communists like themselves: why did they monitor, check and obstruct the Chinese Communists at every turn? 4 On the one hand, the CPC was confronted by popular ignorance and even antagonism with regard to the Soviet Union; it needed the Soviet Union as a concrete exemplar of the achievements of socialist construction in order to make the great masses of the people understand what the socialist China of the future would be like. Consequently, promoting the Soviet Union and urging the nation to learn from it became top priorities for the CPC after the establishment of the PRC."
It appears to be the custom of Russian commanders to allow full license to their soldiery for, at any rate, the first few days after their entry into a conquered city, whether it be on enemy, or enemy-occupied soil. p.225 But very bitter feelings were soon aroused when it became known that the Soviet Government, in a memorandum to China of 21 January 1946, declared that it regarded as its war booty all Japanese enterprises in Manchuria which had rendered services to the Japanese Army, and that in pursuance of this principle the Soviet occupation authorities in Manchuria were removing large quantities of industrial equipment to the Soviet Union. pp.227-228” Jones, F.C. (1949). Manchuria since 1931. London, Oxford University Press
Murray
Murray Brian (1995). Stalin, the Cold War, and the Division of China: A Multi-Archival Mystery. (CWIHP Working Paper 12) Washington. Page 3
cites
Wu Xiuquan
Wu Xiuquan (1908-1997) also known as Wu Shouquan. Diplomat
’s memoirs: "… an exchange between a Soviet Military commander and Peng Zhen, the head of the CCP’s Manchuria bureau, in which the Soviet ordered the CCP to evacuate the city of Shenyang and added “if you do not leave, we will use tanks to drive you out.” Peng Zhen purportedly responded, “the army of one Communist Party using tanks to drive out the army of another Communist Party! Something like this has never happened before. Can this kind of action be acceptable?"

The Third way....

During the 1930’s and 1940’s several political leaders try to establish an intermediate position between the CCP and GMD. They all fail, in October 1948
Luo Longji
Luo Longji (1896-1965) Between 1920-1930 he published a number of articles on human rights
, a leader of the CDL, tries in a last attempt to create a third party and he "...wrote a letter containing a series of proposals to the Communist Party, of which the gist was: 1) At home, they should implement a parliamentary system of government; 2) Abroad, they should adopt a policy of ‘harmonious diplomacy’ (i.e., they should have an equally friendly attitude to the United States and the Soviet Union); 3) The Democratic League should be free to be a legal opposition party; 4) Communist Party members within the League should make known their identity, to avoid overlap between Communists and League members.” text in
Chen Ziming (2007). The “active rightists” of 1957 and their legacy “right-wing intellectuals,” revisionists, and rights defenders. China Perspectives 4 Page 42
He did not get any positive response.

Role of the government....

Most of the literati share the same view about government: "The state as a positive good was shared across the political spectrum. Indeed, statism was an important feature of modern Chinese political thought. Almost no intellectual, not even the most liberal of the liberals, favoured the minimal state, because such a state was unsuited to China’s conditions in the absence of a liberal order and a strong bourgeoisie. On the contrary, a strong state – a government with wide powers and with a plan, a technocracy and an elite leadership – was sought as the antidote to China’s political, economic and social ills. A strong state could hold the country together, develop the economy and resist foreign aggression."
Fung Edmund S. K. (2010). The intellectual foundations of Chinese modernity cultural and political thought in the republican era. Cambridge. Page 258-259
Even the American academic schooled are proponents of planned economy.
Dow Tsung I (1971). The impact of Chinese students returned from America. With emphasis on the Chinese revolution 1911-1949. PhD., Florida Atlantic University. Page 13
The amount of graduates who had studied in the US is much bigger than those graduated in west Europe or SU. Graduates form USA in the period of 1905-1951 are 35.931, In west Europe 10.000 and in the SU less than 100. But most graduates had studied in Japan. Dow Tsung I, “The impact of Chinese students returned from America. With emphasis on the Chinese revolution 1911-1949” Florida Atlantic University 1971 pg. 2
The sociologist
Fei Xiaodong
Fei Xiaodong (1910-2005) Professor in sociology and anthropology. 1951 He was vice president of the Central Institute for Nationalities in Beijing
educated in the US has the opinion: "Democracy required balloting, vigorous election campaigns, and a loyal opposition. Since none of these existed in China, Fei did not believe that the Communist party would put democracy into practice. When he discerned elements of dictatorship in the new government after liberation, he doubted that it could be at the same time democratic, since he held democracy and dictatorship to be incompatible."
Powell John William (2003). An American editor in early revolutionary China. New York. Page 164
He changes his mind after his participation of the plenum. He thinks the delegates to be representative of the entire population and to be more “…truly representative than any elective body he had observed in either the United States or Britain.” He is very optimistic about the future. “The Conference in Peiping is only the starting point of democracy in China”
Powell Page 164
The well-known philosopher
Feng Youlan
Feng Youlan (1895-1990) Philosopher. 1949 He came back to PRC from the US
, who is not a delegate, writes Mao Zedong in 1950 that he does not want to be on the margin and he “Unwilling to be a remnant of a bygone age in a time of greatness’ and offering voluntarily to participate in the remoulding of his own ideas. Mao Zedong replied immediately welcoming his decision. Subsequently Fung (Feng) went to a village and participated in the land reform work for a period.”
Lee Robert H.G. (1963) Fung Yu-lan: A biographical profile. The China Quarterly, 14. Page 149
During the land reform many intellectuals go to the rural areas, a place most of them never have been. In her autobiography
Frances Wong
Frances Wong (1923-) She went to the mainland with her husband against the flow of the mass exodus in 1949 to help to build a new China
born in Hong Kong writes about her motives to go to China:
“In 1949, shortly after the Communists took over the reins of mainland China, I went back to Guangzhou… I walked all the way for seven days. Why did I go back to China at a time when millions were fleeing the country? Would I do it again if I could relive my life once more? Those were questions many friends have asked me. I suppose when I was in my twenties, I was naïve, adventurous, romantic, a little patriotic and also primarily, because my husband decided to go and I thought it was my duty to go with him…By this time a conviction had been well established in our minds. The Kuomintang was corrupt and decaying. Only the Communists could save China, and we were ready to work under the Communists and do whatever we could for our country.”
Wong Frances (2009). China bound and unbound. History in the making –an early returnee’s account. Hong Kong University Press. Page 1 & 47

Military strength....

In contrast to the CCP and GMD the minzhu dangpai have no army. The GMD can be mainly seen as a party backed by military power and has no substantial backing by particular classes like rural landlords or urban bourgeoisie. The political power of the minzhu dangpai is very limited, the only way to gain some political influence is to ally with the GMD or CCP.
Qing
Qing Dai(2007). 1948: How peaceful was the liberation of Beiping? The Sixty-eighth Morrison Lecture, 5, The Australian National University. No page number
texts Li Jishen saying to
Zhang Dongsun
Zhang Dongsun (1886-1973) From 1949 he was a member of the CPGC, a counsellor at the Ministry of Culture. he was professor of philosophy at Yenching University. 1951-1952, he lost all political rights
, leader of the CDL, ”… to participate in the negotiations, and offered the following advice: Cut your ties with the Nanjing (GMD) government, go it alone, take a third road. North China should declare independence and establish a coalition government. The new coalition government should take command of the arm.”
The CCP chose the military way to seize power in China. "The fact that Communist, supremacy had been achieved through military means was not particularly damaging to them politically… , this has been the accepted road to political power in China, one which the Kuomintang itself had used. What was more, in Chinese tradition, the fact of military success created its own legality and qualified the winning side to rule the country. Conversely, according to this line of reasoning, the Kuomintang, by virtue of its defeat, had demonstrated its own incapacity and was therefore no longer entitled to the "mandate" to govern the nation… "
Bernard Thomas S. (1953). Government and administration in Communist China. New York, International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations. Page 17

Influence of the minzhu dangpai....

Besides the lack of a private army, the Minzhu dangpai “..had no access to China's political, military, economic, or social resources, nor did they enjoy any foreign backing.”
Fung Edmund S. K. (1991). The alternative of loyal opposition: The Chinese Youth Party and Chinese democracy, 1937- 1949. Modern China, 17, (2). Page 284
Their influence is small because of their limited power and small amount of followers, but they have some effect. "In authoritarian states where arenas for public debate on areas of interest to these communities are limited or non-existent, corporatist groups can provide a rare forum for discussion. The networks of their members can be used to reach out to many more than the size of the organization implies. As notables in their fields if not in the wider community, experts can also act as important organizational spokespersons and mobilizers."
Groot G.(2004). Managing transitions: The Chinese communist party, united front work, corporatism, and hegemony. New York. Page xxiii
Their influence on ideological issues is big. Most of the adherents of the minzhu dangpai are working in the field of education, press, literature and art. The CCP targets specifically these areas of interest because they are aware of the impact of education, art and press. Vidal
Vidal Christine (2008). D’un régime à l’autre : Les intellectuels ralliés au pouvoir communiste, 1948-1952. Etudes chinoises, 27. Page 48
notices “Le succès de l’hebdomadaire
Guancha
Guancha, a weekly published between september 1946 - December 1948 Guancha, an independent journal beholden to no political group. Starting as a weekly on September 1,1946, Guancha was the most widely read journal around the country, with a circulation, by the end of 1948 when it was closed down by the government, of sixty thousand with its actual readership estimated conservatively at double the amount. Edmund S. K. Fung. In Search of Chinese Democracy: Civil Opposition in Nationalist China, 1929-1949
(L’Observateur), publié à Shanghai par
Chu Anping
Chu Anping (1909-1966?) Journalist. After 1949 he was editor of the Guangming Daily
entre septembre 1946 et décembre 1948, auquel collaborent plus de 200 universitaires, avocats, journalistes et écrivains, est l’illustration et le symbole de cette mobilisation pacifiste et anti-autoritaire. Il va sans dire que l’engagement de ces intellectuels ne pèse guère face à la logique des armes.”
Translation: "The success of the weekly Guancha (Observer), published in Shanghai by Chu Anping between September 1946 and December 1948, a collaboration of more than 200 academics, lawyers, journalists and writers, is the illustration and the symbol of this mobilization pacifist and anti-authoritarian. It goes without saying that the commitment of these intellectuals hardly weighs facing the logic of arms. "
The CCP knows it has pull over these people to their side. Grad
Grad Elizabeth (2001) The Urban Response to the Rural Land Reform During the Chinese Civil War: 1945-1949 (2001). Honors Projects. Paper 15. Page 3
concludes "The middle forces, which were comprised of businessmen, intellectuals, students and professionals, wielded a significant amount of power in terms of influencing public opinion and securing the political power of either of the two preeminent political parties. Ultimately, they would be of vital importance to the Communists in terms securing a base of support in the cities, and their response to land reform was significant in that it undercut the authority of the Kuomintang government.”
The minzhu dangpai leaders see themselves as loyal opposition and not as competitor for power. Stein
Stein Gunther (1945). The challenge of Red China. Whittlesey House. Page 374
interviewed 2 CDL leaders who were in Yen’an in 1944 and they were convinced “…The Communists have no ambition of being the sole leaders of the nation. Of this we are convinced and we know them very well. They are realists and know that the Chinese people will never really support and help a One-party dictatorship.” The CCP and the minzhu dangpai aim at the same goal: a new and modern China. To achieve this objective some measures have to be taken. The main targets are the elimination of foreign imperialism, the integration of China’s territories (Tibet, Xinjiang and Taiwan) by ending the civil war and the revival of a central authority. The reform of the agriculture, industry, education and healthcare are also important issues for the minzhu dangpai.
From an individual perspective they chose to go along with the CCP because they want to be assure of a job in the new society. They strive for job security because “…beaucoup n’ont tout simplement pas les moyens de s’exiler, et partir à Taiwan est inconcevable pour tous ceux que les autorités harcèlent ou recherchent. Force est pourtant de constater que l’immense majorité de ceux pour lesquels ce choix se présente refuse de quitter le continent, déclinant les propositions du gouvernement et de ses émissaires comme celles qui leur sont faites à l’étranger.”
Vidal Christine (2008). Page 51
Translation: "... Many simply cannot afford to go into exile, and to go to Taiwan is inconceivable to anyone that the authorities harass or seek. Remarkable is however to note that the vast majority of those for whom this choice presents itself refuses to leave the continent, declining government proposals and his emissaries to them like those made abroad.
Vidal
Vidal Christine (2008). Page 56
continues “C’est à ce programme(le Programme commun) , et non à l’idéologie du Parti, que se rallient les intellectuels non communistes. Le nouvel État sera-t-il celui qu’ils appellent de leurs voeux ? Rien n’est moins sûr, mais tous veulent le croire et sont prêts à faire certains sacrifices pourvu qu’ils servent la collectivité nationale.”
Translation: "The non-communist intellectuals align themselves with the program (the Common Program), not with the ideology of the Party. Wil it be the new State, which will appeal to their wishes? Nothing is less sure, but all of them want to believe and are willing to make certain sacrifices, provided it serves the national community. "


Literature Notes Documents...

-
1. Jin Qiu (2010). Between Power and Knowledge: Defining Moments in Guo Moruo’s Career. Modern China Studies 17 ( 2), Page 131 Back
2. Lee Hong Yung (1991). From revolutionary cadres to party technocrats in socialist China. Berkeley University of California Press. Page 49 Back
3. Snow Edgar (1972). Red star over China. Penguin books. Page 174 Back
4. Tsui Brian Kai Hin (2013). China’s forgotten revolution: Radical conservatism in action, 1927-1949. PhD., Columbia University. Page 170 Back
5. Sivieri Angelica (2015) China’s long run towards Western modernity. Page 9 Back
6. Wang Y. C. (1966). Chinese intellectuals and the west, 1872-1949. Chapel Hill, NC. Page X Back
7. Moody Peter R. (1998). The political culture of Chinese students and intellectuals: A Historical Examination. Asian Survey, 28, (11), Page 12 Back
9. Hu Ping (2012). The thought remolding campaign of the Chinese communist party-state. Amsterdam University Press. Page 32 Back
10. Pringsheim Klaus H. (1962). The functions of the Chinese Communist Youth Leagues (1920-1949), The China Quarterly, 12. Page 86 Back
11. Yu Minling (2005). Learning from the Soviet Union: CPC Propaganda and Its Effects A study Centered on the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association. Parallel History Project on NATO and the Warsaw Pact. Page 2 Back
12. It appears to be the custom of Russian commanders to allow full license to their soldiery for, at any rate, the first few days after their entry into a conquered city, whether it be on enemy, or enemy-occupied soil. p.225 But very bitter feelings were soon aroused when it became known that the Soviet Government, in a memorandum to China of 21 January 1946, declared that it regarded as its war booty all Japanese enterprises in Manchuria which had rendered services to the Japanese Army, and that in pursuance of this principle the Soviet occupation authorities in Manchuria were removing large quantities of industrial equipment to the Soviet Union. pp.227-228” Jones, F.C. (1949). Manchuria since 1931. London, Oxford University Press Back
13. Murray Brian (1995). Stalin, the Cold War, and the Division of China: A Multi-Archival Mystery. (CWIHP Working Paper 12) Washington. Page 3 Back
14. Chen Ziming (2007). The “active rightists” of 1957 and their legacy “right-wing intellectuals,” revisionists, and rights defenders. China Perspectives 4 Page 42 Back
15. Fung Edmund S. K. (2010). The intellectual foundations of Chinese modernity cultural and political thought in the republican era. Cambridge. Page 258-259 Back
16. Dow Tsung I (1971). The impact of Chinese students returned from America. With emphasis on the Chinese revolution 1911-1949. PhD., Florida Atlantic University. Page 13 Back
17. The amount of graduates who had studied in the US is much bigger than those graduated in west Europe or SU. Graduates form USA in the period of 1905-1951 are 35.931, In west Europe 10.000 and in the SU less than 100. But most graduates had studied in Japan. Dow Tsung I, “The impact of Chinese students returned from America. With emphasis on the Chinese revolution 1911-1949” Florida Atlantic University 1971 pg. 2 Back
18. Powell John William (2003). An American editor in early revolutionary China. New York. Page 164 Back
19. Powell John William (2003). An American editor in early revolutionary China. New York. Page 164 Back
20. Lee Robert H.G. (1963) Fung Yu-lan: A biographical profile. The China Quarterly, 14. Page 149 Back
21. Wong Frances (2009). China bound and unbound. History in the making –an early returnee’s account. Hong Kong University Press. Page 1 & 47 Back
22. Qing Dai(2007). 1948: How peaceful was the liberation of Beiping? The Sixty-eighth Morrison Lecture, 5, The Australian National University. No page number Back
23. Bernard Thomas S. (1953). Government and administration in Communist China. New York, International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations. Page 17 Back
24. Fung Edmund S. K. (1991). The alternative of loyal opposition: The Chinese Youth Party and Chinese democracy, 1937- 1949. Modern China, 17, (2). Page 284 Back
25. Groot G.(2004). Managing transitions: The Chinese communist party, united front work, corporatism, and hegemony. New York. Page xxiii Back
26. Vidal Christine (2008). D’un régime à l’autre : Les intellectuels ralliés au pouvoir communiste, 1948-1952. Etudes chinoises, 27. Page 48 Back
27. "The success of the weekly Guancha (Observer), published in Shanghai by Chu Anping between September 1946 and December 1948, a collaboration of more than 200 academics, lawyers, journalists and writers, is the illustration and the symbol of this mobilization pacifist and anti-authoritarian. It goes without saying that the commitment of these intellectuals hardly weighs facing the logic of arms. " Back
28. Grad Elizabeth (2001) The Urban Response to the Rural Land Reform During the Chinese Civil War: 1945-1949 (2001). Honors Projects. Paper 15. Page 3 Back
29. Stein Gunther (1945). The challenge of Red China. Whittlesey House. Page 374 Back
30. Vidal Christine (2008). Page 51 Back
31. Vidal Christine (2008). Page 56 Back
32. "... Many simply cannot afford to go into exile, and to go to Taiwan is inconceivable to anyone that the authorities harass or seek. Remarkable is however to note that the vast majority of those for whom this choice presents itself refuses to leave the continent, declining government proposals and his emissaries to them like those made abroad.” Back
33. “ The non-communist intellectuals align themselves with the program (the Common Program), not with the ideology of the Party. Wil it be the new State, which will appeal to their wishes? Nothing is less sure, but all of them want to believe and are willing to make certain sacrifices, provided it serves the national community. "Back
Next Part 10: The CPPCC conference of September 21, 1949 –September 30, 1949